Ten years of transition: a review article

2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie Lavigne

Ten years after the launching of the transition process, many books and reports are offering a balance sheet of the transformation that occurred in Central and Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Union area. The review article looks at some of them, particularly at Grzegorz W. Kolodko’s book published in 2000, “From Shock to Therapy. The Political Economy of Postsocialist Transformation”. On the basis of this book and of some recent contributions, three major issues are discussed. First, why has there been such a recession in the beginning of the transition process in all countries, and was the recession inevitable? Second, due to the dire criticisms of the standard policy applied in these countries, dubbed the “Washington consensus”, has a “post-Washington consensus” emerged? Third, as we are already engaged in the second decade of the transition process, can we state when it is bound to be over, and what role is played by the European Union enlargement in accelerating the end of transition?

1997 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
K Zsamboki ◽  
M Bell

The development of autonomous local self-governments is a critical, albeit often over-looked, element of the long-term transition to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe and the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union. All countries in the region have taken clear steps to pass legislation creating new local government institutions. Such institutional reform is necessary, but not sufficient, for the development of autonomous local self-government. In this paper we present several fundamental criteria which must be satisfied in order to establish and nurture autonomous local self-government. We test these criteria against institutional reforms in Central and Eastern Europe and the newly independent states to gauge the extent to which there has been actual devolution of governmental responsibility from central to local governments. We conclude that, although some individual strands of these fundamental reforms may have received some attention in the current transition process, such attention is more ad hoc than strategic. As a result, the goal of creating autonomous local self-governments has not been achieved. Donor nations and reform elements in each country must think strategically about all dimensions of this local government transition if these changes are to be institutionalized and the transition is to be successful in the long term.


Author(s):  
Mehmet Balcılar

Twenty years passed now since the countries of the Central and East Europe (СEE) and the former Soviet Union (FSU) have begun the process of transformation from command to market economy and from one-party to a democratic rule. The transition process, at the beginning at least, started with very optimistic expectations in all countries. Transition is expected, as stated in the so-called ‘Washington Consensus’, create unprecedented growth and development. No one could envision failure and traps stuck the development and democracy. After 20 years, the transition economies clustered into different clusters and several development patterns have arisen along with countries that are trapped into almost no development. Among the clusters Turkic states of the Central Asia forms a unique cluster. This study makes a comprehensive attempt to analyze the development patters that have arisen along the way 20-year long. Experiences of 20 years are placed under the microscope to identify successes and failures with regards to both, theory and policy. We set a benchmark for success and successful transition and determine the key factors that have led to success or failure. In the light of the global crises, it easier to identify shortcomings of transition. Major conclusion arising from the study is that the original concept of the ‘Washington Consensus’ has failed to fulfill expectations of growth and development, the state of the art seems to be confusion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Cristian Cantir

Abstract This article argues that post-Soviet mayors are foreign policy actors that deserve more attention from area studies and foreign policy analysis scholars. Mayors have their own diplomatic preferences and goals – rooted in geopolitical and ethnonationalist views – that they can enact using city hall institutions and networks. They can work either in harmony or in opposition with central authorities by bolstering or compromising the executive’s diplomatic goals and actions. These claims are explored in a case study of the foreign policy of Chișinău mayor Dorin Chirtoacă (2007–2017), whose diplomatic endeavors consolidated the Moldovan capital’s ties with Romania and the European Union and minimized interactions with countries in the former Soviet Union, including Russia. At times, the mayor’s actions abroad ran afoul of central authorities as he created an alternative foreign policy that undermined central foreign policy. The findings suggest that a more extensive investigation of how mayors interact with foreign actors would refine our understanding of foreign policy-making in the former Soviet Union and in Central and Eastern Europe more broadly.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Tsiupko ◽  
Margaret Loseby

The chapter analyses the transition process from a centrally planned towards a free market economy, with particular reference to countries that constituted the Former Soviet Union. Noting that the varied strategies applied in individual countries have led to differing degrees of success, the chapter aims to identify the factors restraining economic growth in Ukraine. It describes the way in which the pattern of trade existing formerly with the USSR had shaped the structure of the Ukraine economy. At present, Ukraine's strategy for freer trade with the rest of the world and in particular, with the European Union is conditioned by this former situation. It has contributed strongly to Ukraine's current geo-political dilemma. The need for the country to find equilibrium in its trade strategies with countries of the Former Soviet Union, with Europe and the Rest of the World is emphasized, and the difficulties involved are explained.


2002 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tito Boeri ◽  
Katherine Terrell

The transition process differed in the countries of the Former Soviet Union (FSU) and those of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in terms of reallocation of labor real wage, employment and output adjustment. We sift through the theoretical and empirical literature to find an explanation for these diverging adjustment trajectories and conclude that they can be explained by the fact that the CEE countries adopted social policies that upheld wages at the bottom of the distribution forcing the old sector to restructure or collapse while the FSU countries allowed wages to free-fall not forcing the hand of the old sector.


1998 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-114
Author(s):  
John Churcher ◽  
Patricia Worgan

UK higher education, in partnership with UK industry, contributes positively to the training of managers and entrepreneurs from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the New Independent States and Russia. Since 1992, the University of Luton has delivered management training courses in CEE and the former Soviet Union (FSU), developing expertise to assist both UK companies and CEE/FSU managers to understand the different attitudes and experiences that will help to overcome potential partnership problems and encourage East-West industries to take full advantage of the increasing trading opportunities. This case study analyses the management training programmes, and details pre- and post-training insights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 122-128
Author(s):  
Mykola Lazarenko

Systematization of private international law in Ukraine and foreign countries: present state and tendencies.The article deals with the comparative legal analysis of the systematization of the statutory provisions of private international law in the countries of the European Union and some countries of the former Soviet Union. The main arguments regarding different approaches to the systematization of private international law in Ukraine are outlined, as well as the main directions and tendencies of the codification processes of legislation in this area.


2017 ◽  
pp. 127-138
Author(s):  
Francisco Gómez Martos

Twenty five years after the dissolution of the former Soviet Union and the reemergence of the Central Asian Republics as independent States, this region continues to be the scene of rivalries amongst the big powers (Russia, China, the European Union, USA, India, Japan, Turkey and Iran) competing in a sort of a “new Grand Game” to increase their geopolitical and economic influence in the region. Its geography, diverse and rich natural resources, like oil and gas, explain the ongoing hidden rivalries. Despite its common historical and cultural past, Central Asia constitutes a heterogeneous region with a multiethnic and multi-linguistic composition and a low degree of physical, economic and trade integration. The lack of mutual trust, the persisting tension over borders and the use and sharing of natural resources, as well as different levels of economic performance have so far jeopardized the development of genuine regional cooperation. Against this background, the idea behind the Chinese OBOR Initiative to develop rapid transportation, if well implemented, could theoretically, by improving interregional connectivity, develop the Central Asia regional market and foster intergovernmental cooperation and people-to-people contacts within the region. In this context, could we expect that the ambitious Chinese OBOR Initiative will boost geopolitical stability and promote shared economic and trade benefits in Central Asia? What are the conditions for that need to be fulfilled?The author analyzes in depth certain crucial political, economic and institutional requirements for the successful implementation of the OBOR Strategy and concludes, however, that three years after the launching of this crucial instrument of the Chinese “globalization without democracy” model, its implementation faces major problems and thus raises more doubts than certainties.


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