American Politics and Economic Outcomes for African Americans: A Brief Historical Overview

2017 ◽  
pp. 15-34
Author(s):  
Andrea Flynn ◽  
Susan R. Holmberg ◽  
Dorian T. Warren ◽  
Felicia J. Wong
2015 ◽  
Vol 117 (14) ◽  
pp. 53-74
Author(s):  
Christopher M. Span

This chapter details how slavery, segregation, and racism impacted the educational experiences of African Americans from the colonial era to the present. It offers a historical overview of the African American educational experience and uses archival data and secondary source analysis to illustrate that America has yet to be a truly post-slavery and post-segregation society, let alone a post-racial society.


Hard White ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Fording ◽  
Sanford F. Schram

This chapter frames the book’s analysis and provides an overview of the subsequent chapters. It explains how racism today is manifested most significantly in white “outgroup hostility” toward Latinos and Muslims as well as African Americans. It highlights the importance of race-baiting elites in exploiting a transformed media landscape to stoke white outgroup hostility and thereby mainstream racism in American politics today. The chapter introduces and defines a number of key terms, including “racialized political narratives” that operate to racialize selected groups of people to be constructed as threatening “outgroups” in opposition to whites as the “ingroup.” It emphasizes that the “political opportunity structure” for white racial extremists became more open, especially with the rise of the Tea Party movement, leading to their increased participation in conventional politics. The chapter argues that these factors had already converged prior to 2016 for Donald Trump to exploit in winning the presidency, thereby accelerating the mainstreaming of racism in American politics by putting it at the center of public policymaking in the White House.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 486-487
Author(s):  
Nina M. Moore

Russell L. Riley offers an insightful account of how American presidents have grappled with race. His main concern is the causal forces that shape the institutional role of the presi- dency in American politics. The discussion centers specifi- cally upon the determinants of presidential policy that affects the advancement of African Americans toward first-class citizenship. Riley asks what operative dictates and constraints shape presidential behavior vis-a -vis racial inequality politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 104-130
Author(s):  
Ray Block ◽  
Angela K. Lewis-Maddox

In this chapter, we examine the influence of Obama’s presence on racial divisions in partisanship. We interpret these divisions as evidence of racial polarization. Since Obama is a Democrat and because African Americans vote overwhelmingly for Democratic candidates in presidential elections, we define polarization as a gap in the extent to which African and Anglo Americans identify with the Democratic Party. Our focus on polarization stems from the fact that partisanship has always been a racialized concept in American politics. We ask the following questions: Was there a race gap in party identification during the Obama presidency? If so, did the former president’s media activities influence the width of this race gap? How did Obama’s media presence affect the party gap? Did the former president push Whites away from the Democratic Party (while pulling African Americans into it)? Or did Obama make racial differences in partisanship disappear? We conclude this chapter by discussing the substantive implications of our evidence and the limitations of our research design. When discussing potential avenues for research, we focus on the fact that Obama’s presidency gave race scholars the opportunity to study descriptive representation in the nation’s highest political office.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-62
Author(s):  
Robert C. Smith

This article analyzes the contribution of Ronald Walters to the development of white nationalism as a theory of white subjugation and domination of African Americans in the post–civil rights era. It also discusses why his work has been ignored by political science scholarship on the subject, and the relationship between white nationalism and white racism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 471-503 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Galster ◽  
Anna Santiago ◽  
Jessica Lucero ◽  
Jackie Cutsinger

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 897-898
Author(s):  
Robert Gooding-Williams

This is a timely, engaging, and illuminating study of Black Nationalism. The book's “fundamental project,” Melanye T. Price writes, “is to systematically understand individual Black Nationalism adherence among African Americans in the post-Civil Rights era” (p. 60). Black Nationalism has a long history in African American politics, but with the demise of Jim Crow and the election of our first black president, we may reasonably wonder whether ordinary African American citizens are disposed to endorse it. Price's book is important because it addresses this question head-on, defending the thesis that a renewal of Black Nationalism remains a viable possibility in post-Obama America.


Author(s):  
Herbert J. Storing

This chapter looks at Frederick Douglass’s through a Straussian argument that the black’s greatest struggle was the struggle to become part of the American political community. His own struggle to become part of the civilization that white men possessed at the time was based in this desire for there to be a black presence in American politics. Douglass saw that the transition to include African Americans in politics must be done without damaging the basic structure of that civilization. He also stressed how blacks needed to make the most of the opportunities that were available to them so that more opportunities could open up, not just for them but for the community at large. He strove for blacks to work and be the best at what they do because their doing so would disrupt the system and lead to justice.


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