Atrial Fibrillation and Stroke Symptoms in the REGARDS Study

Background It is unknown if stroke symptoms in the absence of a stroke diagnosis are a sign of subtle cardioembolic phenomena. The objective of this study was to examine associations between atrial fibrillation (AF) and stroke symptoms among adults with no clinical history of stroke or transient ischemic attack (TIA). Methods and Results We evaluated associations between AF and self‐reported stroke symptoms in the national, prospective REGARDS (Reasons for Geographic and Racial Differences in Stroke) cohort. We conducted cross‐sectional (n=27 135) and longitudinal (n=21 932) analyses over 8 years of follow‐up of REGARDS participants without stroke/transient ischemic attack and stratified by anticoagulant or antiplatelet agent use. The mean age was 64.4 (SD±9.4) years, 55.3% were women, and 40.8% were Black participants; 28.6% of participants with AF reported stroke symptoms. In the cross‐sectional analysis, comparing participants with and without AF, the risk of stroke symptoms was elevated for adults with AF taking neither anticoagulants nor antiplatelet agents (odds ratio [OR], 2.22; 95% CI, 1.89–2.59) or antiplatelet agents only (OR, 1.92; 95% CI, 1.61–2.29) but not for adults with AF taking anticoagulants (OR, 1.08; 95% CI, 0.71–1.65). In the longitudinal analysis, the risk of stroke symptoms was also elevated for adults with AF taking neither anticoagulants nor antiplatelet agents (hazard ratio [HR], 1.41; 95% CI, 1.21–1.66) or antiplatelet agents only (HR, 1.23; 95% CI, 1.04–1.46) but not for adults with AF taking anticoagulants (HR, 0.86; 95% CI, 0.62–1.18). Conclusions Stroke symptoms in the absence of a stroke diagnosis may represent subclinical cardioembolic phenomena or “whispering strokes.” Future studies examining the benefit of stroke symptom screening may be warranted.

Standpoints and Situatedness: Examining the Perception of Benevolent Sexism in Black and White Undergraduate Women and Men

Racial differences in benevolent sexism have been underexplored. To address this gap, we used standpoint theory as a framework to examine race-gender group differences in the endorsement of benevolent sexism and how cultural factors (i.e., egalitarianism, religiosity, and racial identity) and inequality factors (i.e., experiences with racial discrimination and support for social hierarchies) might mediate this relationship. Among 510 Black and white undergraduate women and men, we found racial differences, such that Black women and men had higher endorsement of benevolent sexism than white women and men. Further, there was a gender difference for only white participants, with white men endorsing these attitudes more than white women. For Black women, religiosity and racial identity mediated the relationship between their race-gender group and greater benevolent sexism compared to white women, but only religiosity mediated the relationship for Black men. Neither inequality mediator accounted for benevolent sexism differences; however, both were associated with white women’s lower benevolent sexism, as was egalitarianism. Given these findings, we discuss implications for benevolent sexism theory, the possibility that cultural factors may shape Black women and men’s standpoint by establishing group-based norms and expectations around benevolently sexist behavior, and suggest culturally appropriate methods to reduce sexism.

White (but Not Black) Americans Continue to See Racism as a Zero-Sum Game; White Conservatives (but Not Moderates or Liberals) See Themselves as Losing

Norton and Sommers (2011) assessed Black and White Americans’ perceptions of anti-Black and anti-White bias across the previous six decades—from the 1950s to the 2000s. They presented two key findings: White (but not Black) respondents perceived decreases in anti-Black bias to be associated with increases in anti-White bias, signaling the perception that racism is a zero-sum game; White respondents rated anti-White bias as more pronounced than anti-Black bias in the 2000s, signaling the perception that they were losing the zero-sum game. We collected new data to examine whether the key findings would be evident nearly a decade later, and whether political ideology would moderate perceptions. Liberal, moderate, and conservative White (but not Black) Americans alike believed that racism is a zero-sum game. Liberal White Americans saw racism as a zero-sum game they were winning by a lot, moderate White Americans saw it as a game they were winning by only a little, and conservative White Americans saw it as a game they were losing. This work has clear implications for public policy and behavioral science, and lays the groundwork for future research that examines to what extent racial differences in perceptions of racism by political ideology are changing over time.