Saudi Nationalism, Wahhabi Daʿwā, and Western Power

2021 ◽  
pp. 275-306
Author(s):  
Michael A. Sells
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Pillkyu HWANG ◽  
Yae-Ahn PARK

On 23 July 2018, when the villagers gathered around the porch to wrap up the day with a good chat, one of the five auxiliary dams of the Xe-Pian Xe-Namnoy hydropower dam in Attapeu province, the southeastern state of Laos, collapsed. Four days before the collapse, reports of cracks and subsidence started to come through. It should have been enough to prompt evacuation warning issuance by the Xe-Pian Xe-Namnoy Power Co. Ltd (PNPC), a consortium of South Korean companies SK Engineering and Construction (SK E&C) and Korea Western Power Company (KOWEPO), Thailand-based RATCH Group, and Lao Holding State Enterprise (LHSE). PNPC has a Concession Agreement with the Laos government ‘to plan, design, finance, construct, own, operate and maintain’ the Xe-Pian Xe-Namnoy hydropower dam. The warning was issued, but it came too late.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Julian Lee

<p>Western power has been sustained in the Asia-Pacific region by United States military might ever since the defeat of Japan. For the first time since then, China, a non-Western power, poses a challenge to that dominance, with the result that “neither Australia nor New Zealand has ever seriously considered how we would defend our interests and secure our countries in a region which was not dominated by our great and powerful Anglo-Saxon friends.”1 China is the new variable in the Asia-Pacific equation, and New Zealand is now required to factor this new element into its strategic calculations for the future. China’s ascendancy in the Asia-Pacific region will have a huge impact on New Zealand’s future strategic outlook. The purpose of this essay will be to design, as simply as possible, a way to structure thoughts and discussion about the defence relationship between New Zealand and China, from a New Zealand perspective. It will aim to establish a basic framework centred around a number of themes in order to provide a platform for analysis in the future. It will be a brief examination of how these two nations talk with each other at the defence level in the early twenty-first century.</p>


Author(s):  
Jørn Borup

Abstract The academic study of religion, with its concepts and theories that originate in a Western, Protestant context, has justly been criticized in postmodern and identity-focused discourses, in recent years under the umbrella of decolonization and social justice activism. It has been suggested that allegedly universally-applicable theories and methodologies are relativized and revealed as particularized Eurocentrism in the hegemonic representations of “white” or “Western” power regimes. While acknowledging such reorientations in the philosophy, sociology, psychology, and history of religion, this article also critically investigates and discusses the “critical study of religion.” It is suggested that the revisionist deconstruction emphasized by contemporary identity perspectives, with their discourses of difference and re-essentialized understandings of religion and culture, are not only problematic as theoretical orientations. Radical identity politics also imply methodological constraints on the academic study of religion, where comparison, analytical categories, and reflexive emic–etic distinctions must remain key factors.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-51
Author(s):  
Aaron Segal

African-American relations at present are characterized by a situation in which the United States government and United States investors take more resources out of Africa than they put in. There is a negative balance of payments in the flow of aid, trade, and other resources. Consequently, Africans are disappointed in America and have little faith in the ability of this Western power to make even a modest contribution to the resolution of African problems by African means.


2021 ◽  
pp. 81-126
Author(s):  
Wayne E. Lee ◽  
David L. Preston ◽  
David Silbey ◽  
Anthony E. Carlson

Narrates the fighting between Filipino insurrectos and the American regular and volunteer troops deployed to the Philippines to fight the Spanish. Spanish surrender and American ambitions ultimately led to a conventional battle on the outskirts of Manila. The Battle of Manila marked a turning point in intercultural war. A conventional battle waged using symmetrical tactics, it was one of the encounters that showed decisively that, with some exceptions, non-western forces could no longer stand on the battlefield against a western power. In the battle itself, American racist attitudes combined with experience fighting Indians to dominate American tactics and the soldiers’ experience of combat. For their part, Filipino forces were defined in many ways by the patron system through which they were recruited, which undermined the overall cohesion and effectiveness of their army. The Americans won decisively at Manila, but then struggled to adapt when the Filipinos turned to guerrilla warfare.


1981 ◽  
Vol PER-1 (4) ◽  
pp. 72-72
Author(s):  
R. L. Cresap ◽  
J. F. Hauer
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Giovanni Federico

Italy's colonial history is better known for its failures (notably the battle of Adwa, the major defeat of a Western power by an African army in the 19th century) than for its achievements. Italy succeeded in conquering a substantial «empire» only in the 20th century, when the traditional colonial powers were already in retreat1. But this has not always been the case. The Venetian republic successfully ruled for many centuries the first «colonial» empire in Western Europe 2.


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