Monitoring Mechanisms: The State Comptroller and State Commissions of Inquiry (SCIs)

2000 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 559-606 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asher Maoz

When the State of Israel was established and the Supreme Court inaugurated in Jerusalem, dozens of Christian clerics implored President Smoira to allow the Supreme Court, as the successor of the Great Sanhedrin, the supreme Jewish court during the time of Roman rule, to retry Jesus Christ and thereby rectify the injustice caused to him.


2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Gilligan

This article first examines the historical conditions surrounding the evolution of royal commissions of inquiry, and the political and ideological functions that they may serve. The royal commissions of inquiry established in Australia during the 1970s and 1980s to inquire into organised crime are discussed in order to explore possibilities for a general explanation of royal commissions.The conclusion reached is that royal commissions of inquiry are an important component of official discourse and may perform a legitimation function for apparatuses of the state. However, royal commissions of inquiry are too diverse in their effects to be tied down to a uniform explanatory model, whether based upon notions of crisis motivation or legitimation deficit.


Author(s):  
Loammi Wolf

In the State of Capture report the public protector instructed the president to appoint a commission of inquiry to investigate the capture of state institutions by the Gupta family. The president and his family are personally implicated and due to a conflict of interests, the public protector limited both his choice of a commissioner to conduct the inquiry and the power to specify certain terms of reference. In the Economic Freedom Fighters, the Constitutional Court ruled that the public protector's remedial action is legally binding and must be executed by the state organs concerned. President Zuma challenges the remedial action on the basis that it is the sole prerogative of the head of state under section 84(2)(f) of the Constitution to appoint commissions of inquiry and that it is an unfettered discretionary power, which may not be limited. It is not only doubtful whether the responsibility to appoint commissions of inquiry is invariably a discretionary power; it is also doubtful whether the president has an unfettered discretion. In the case of a conflict of interest the president would in any event be barred from taking a decision in terms of the nemo iudex maxim if the decision could be tainted by bias. The difficulty is that section 90 of the Constitution does not regulate the ad hoc exercise of section-84(2) powers by another state organ when the president should recuse himself from taking a decision. The limitations imposed by the public protector in regard to the commission of inquiry appear to be the best solution under the circumstances.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beth Van Schaack

Abstract In August 2018, what appears to be a draft statement to be delivered by United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on the persecution of the Rohingya minority in Myanmar was leaked to the press. The text suggests that the State Department was considering whether there are grounds to believe that genocide has been, or is being, committed in Myanmar and whether the State Department should issue a statement to this effect. This article surveys the major human rights documentation efforts, academic literature, relevant jurisprudence emanating from the international criminal tribunals, statements of United Nations entities and other states, the results of the State Department’s recent empirical investigation, party and amicus curiae briefs filed before the International Criminal Court, and journalistic accounts of events in Myanmar, Bangladesh, and elsewhere in the region with an eye towards understanding the dynamics of violence against the Rohingya — deemed by many to be ‘the most persecuted minority in the world’. The article layers the facts as we know them against established legal principles to conclude that a genocide is in fact underway in Myanmar through genocidal acts committed by discrete sets of actors (including various state organs, the Tatmadaw-Army, regional and local officials, and Rakhine civilians) and also by way of a genocide writ large against the Rohingya within Rakhine State involving the central authorities working in collusion with, and through, regional actors. This article closes with a discussion of the methodological question of the level of certainty that should be met before a non-judicial entity makes such a determination with reference to the various standards employed by commissions of inquiry and courts (both criminal and civil) that find themselves making analogous determinations.


Author(s):  
T. A. Welton

Various authors have emphasized the spatial information resident in an electron micrograph taken with adequately coherent radiation. In view of the completion of at least one such instrument, this opportunity is taken to summarize the state of the art of processing such micrographs. We use the usual symbols for the aberration coefficients, and supplement these with £ and 6 for the transverse coherence length and the fractional energy spread respectively. He also assume a weak, biologically interesting sample, with principal interest lying in the molecular skeleton remaining after obvious hydrogen loss and other radiation damage has occurred.


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