Pınar Üre, Reclaiming Byzantium: Russia, Turkey and the Archaeological Claim to the Middle East in the 19th Century. London: I B Tauris 2020. Pp. 212

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Olof Heilo
1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-37
Author(s):  
Sarah D. Shields

During the past two decades, historians of the last Ottoman centuries have produced ground-breaking research documenting the increasing economic interaction between Europe and the Middle East. Relying on information about the empire's trade with Europe, scholars have concluded that the 19th century was a time of transformation–in culture, in politics, and in economics. By thus calling our attention to changing circumstances, these historians, economists, art historians, and sociologists have outlined a general landscape of upheaval and change.1 Monographs on Ottoman cities, focusing on the effects of international trade on coastal areas, have begun to sketch in the epicenters of massive economic dislocation.2


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 559-565
Author(s):  
Charles D. Smith

The subject of a promotional campaign by Harvard University Press, Empires of the Sand purports to challenge established scholarship with respect to the drawn-out demise of the Ottoman Empire from 1789 to 1923. The Karshes argue that European imperialism was more benevolent than threatening and coexisted with Middle Eastern imperialisms—Ottoman, Egyptian, or Arab. In their view, European imperial powers “shored up” the Ottoman Empire rather than sought to deprive it of territories under its domain during the 19th century. To be sure, there was some European “nibbling at the edges of empire” (Algeria, Tunisia, Libya), but these incursions had little impact on the Ottomans; Cyprus (1878) is ignored. The only true “infringement on Ottoman territorial stability,” the British takeover of Egypt, happened by “chance not design,” with the blame attributed to Sultan Abdul Hamid's mismanagement of the crisis. The same story of Ottoman incompetence and attempts to manipulate European powers explains Ottoman loss of territory in the Balkans.


Author(s):  
Şevket Pamuk

The Ottoman Empire stood at the crossroads of intercontinental trade for six centuries until World War I. For most of its existence, the economic institutions and policies of this agrarian empire were shaped according to the distribution of political power, cooperation, conflicts, and struggles between the state elites and the various other elites, including those in the provinces. The central bureaucracy managed to contain the many challenges it faced with its pragmatism and habit of negotiation to co-opt and incorporate into the state the social groups that rebelled against it. As long as the activities of the economic elites, landowners, merchants, the leading artisans, and the moneylenders contributed to the perpetuation of this social order, the state encouraged and supported them but did not welcome their rapid enrichment. The influence of these elites over economic matters, and more generally over the policies of the central government, remained limited. Cooperation and coordination among the provincial elites was also made more difficult by the fact that the empire covered a large geographical area, and the different ethnic groups and their elites did not always act together. Differences in government policies and the institutional environment between Western Europe and the Middle East remained limited until the early modern era. With the rise of the Atlantic trade, however, the merchants in northwestern European countries increased their economic and political power substantially. They were then able to induce their governments to defend and develop their commercial interests in the Middle East more forcefully. As they began to lag behind the European merchants even in their own region, it became even more difficult for the Ottoman merchants to provide input into their government’s trade policies or change the commercial or economic institutions in the direction they preferred. Key economic institutions of the traditional Ottoman order, such as state ownership of land, urban guilds, and selective interventionism, remained mostly intact until 1820. In the early part of the 19th century, the center, supported by the new technologies, embarked on an ambitious reform program and was able to reassert its power over the provinces. Centralization and reforms were accompanied by the opening of the economy to international trade and investment. Economic policies and institutional changes in the Ottoman Empire began to reflect the growing power of European states and companies during the 19th century.


Belleten ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 80 (287) ◽  
pp. 201-218
Author(s):  
İsmail Yaşayanlar

In the 19th century, in regions that lay outside the agriculture lands along the shores of rivers in the Middle East, dry agriculture that was affiliated with seasonal precipitation was practiced. This situation meant that many productive lands were not farmed. The spread of agriculture production without being dependent on precipitation and an increase in production was only possible with a wide-ranging irrigation project. This paper takes as its basis the Middle East, which was limited in water resources and examines the irrigation projects that were developed for irrigated agriculture and gardening in Jaffa, a seaside Palestinian city; in addition, the concessions that were granted in this context will be examined. If we take into account that the conflicts affiliated with water sources in this region still continue today, the development of an irrigation project in a city like Jaffa, both from the aspect of the direction of state agricultural policies and for evaluating the settlement policies of the Jewish colonies, is extremely important.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Masters

By the first quarter of the 19th century, foreigners and Ottomans alike were keenly aware that the sovereignty of the house of Osman was rapidly eroding. Austrian and Russian armies threatened the empire from without; ethnic revolts and secession beset it from within. Its occasional allies Britain and France ate away at its autonomy through growing economic and political influence. The military threats were apparent, but the Porte was less alert to the dangers its relationships with the Western European powers held for Ottoman hegemony over the peoples of the Balkans and the Arab Middle East.1


2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 561-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ami Ayalon

Khalil Sarkis (1842–1915) was an eminent figure in late Ottoman Beirut and an important contributor to thenahḍa, the Arab literary-cultural “awakening” that began in the latter part of the 19th century. Less known to Western scholarship than Butrus al-Bustani, Faris al-Shidyaq, or Jurji Zaydan, he is not usually regarded as a pillar of that awakening. He may not have been, but he certainly was an indispensable brick in its edifice. Born in 1842, when the most exciting changes were still in the future, Sarkis spent all his life in the service of his country's cultural betterment. He is mostly remembered for his newspaper,Lisan al-Hal, which was launched in 1877 and for many decades was one of the most credible Arabic organs. More than a journalist, however, Sarkis was a pioneering printer, a prolific publisher, and the author of nine books. In the last quarter of the 19th century he built one of Beirut's largest printing businesses, which turned out several journals, hundreds of books, and numerous publications. In the 19th-century Middle East, being a printer often meant being a publisher; Khalil Sarkis was both on a grand scale.


Al-Farabi ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-172
Author(s):  
Aytek Mammadova ◽  

The article examines the creativity and activities of the Kazan scientist Damulla Mohammed Abdulkarim Hazrat and his great-grandson Hilmi Ziya Ulken. Damulla Muhamamad Abdulkarim Hazrat was known in Kazan in the 19th century as a religious figure and cleric (mudarris). Here are the differences in views between Muhammad Abdulkarim and the famous contemporary Muslim theologian and orientalist Shigabutdin Mardjani in terms of their religious views. In the article, from the point of view of a systematic approach and a historical method, the reasons for the disagreements created under the influence of time and events were considered, in connection with which Sh. Marjani spoke from the position of a reformist scientist in relation to the ideas of the conservative scientist Muhammad Abdulkarim. The article notes that Kazan scientists had relations with the Ottoman state in the 19th century, and the resettlement of Muhammad Abdulkarim to Istanbul with his family took place in 1863. Here, after his move to Istanbul, the Ottoman state paid him and seven members of his family a salary, which was noted in the documents of those times. In this document, Muhammad Abdulkarim was presented as a scientist of scholars and a creator of good deeds. The article says that the granddaughter of Damulla Muhammad Abdulkarim Hazrat - Musfika khanum (1881-1978) was the mother of Hilmi Ziya Ulken. Hilmi Zia Ulken (1901-1974) made a great contribution to the development of science and philosophy in Turkey with his works. The study examines the rich creative heritage of Hilmi Zia Ulken, presents the researches of the scientist on the history of Eastern philosophy, in particular, religion. The article says that the thinker presented the Koran as a valuable source, which is both sacred and vital for the ideology of all Muslims, especially the Turkic peoples living in the countries of the Near and Middle East. Hilmi Zia Ulken regarded the emergence of human religions as a revolutionary event, showing that these religions teach humanity to spiritual uplift and improvement. The study says that religious and philosophical issues also play an important role in the work of Hilmi Ziya Ulken, who, like his great-grandfather, Kazan cleric Damulla Muhammad Abdulkarim Hazret, became famous for his works in various fields of science.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (8 (106)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Lora Gerd

The article is focused on the main tendencies of Russian policy in the Patriarchate of Antioch during the 19th century. Following the traditional support of Orthodoxy, in the situation of concurrence of the Great Powers in the Middle East Russia had to make a revision of the old methods of policy. The journey of Archimandrite Porfirii Uspenskii in 1843 and the foundation of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem in 1847 were aimed at strengthening of Russian positions in the region. The conflicts between the nations in the end of the 1850s and he struggle of the Arabs for church and national independence forced he Russian diplomacy to support them against the Greeks. The struggle ended in the election of an Arab Patriarch at the Antiochian see. The activities of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society for foundation of schools for the Orthodox Arabs as well as financing of the schools of the Patriarchate created a strong base for national education. The peak of Russian influence in Syria is in the beginning of the 20s century: at that time the sums for material support increase enormously. As a whole it was in Syria during the 19th century that Russian policy in the Christian East was most efficient.


1995 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansour Bonakdarian

In recent Middle Eastern history, the experience of political exile has become a prevalent theme, as large numbers of Palestinians, Kurds, Iranians, and Afghans, among others, have sought refuge in various countries. Although the earlier numbers would pale in comparison with the present size of the Middle Eastern diaspora scattered around the globe, it was in the 19th century that the first noticeable groups of exiles from the Middle East began taking sanctuary in European countries, among other locations. Perhaps the best known of these exile communities were the Young Ottomans in France in the late 19th century.


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