2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Battisti ◽  
Giovanni Peri ◽  
Agnese Romiti

Abstract This paper investigates how co-ethnic networks affect the economic success of immigrants. Using longitudinal data of immigrants in Germany and including a large set of fixed effects and pre-migration controls to address the possible endogeneity of initial location, we find that immigrants in districts with larger co-ethnic networks are more likely to be employed soon after arrival. This advantage fades after four years, as migrants located in places with smaller co-ethnic networks catch up due to greater human capital investments. These effects appear stronger for lower-skilled immigrants, as well as for refugees and Ethnic Germans.


2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-133
Author(s):  
Britta Kallin

Elfriede Jelinek’s postdramatic stage essay Rein Gold (2012) interweaves countless texts including Richard Wagner’s operas from the Ring cycle, Karl Marx’s The Capital, and Marx and Friedrich Engels’s The Communist Manifesto as well as contemporary writings and news articles. Scholarship has so far examined the play in comparison to Wagner’s Rheingold opera, which serves as the base for the dialogue between the father Wotan and daughter Brünnhilde. This article examines intertextualities with the story of the National Socialist Underground, an extremist right-wing group that committed hate-crime murders and bank robberies, and with the exploitative history of workers, particularly women, in capitalist systems. Jelinek compares the National Socialist Underground’s attempt to violently rid Germany of non-ethnic Germans with Siegfried’s mythical fight as dragon slayer in the Nibelungenlied that created a hero who has been cast as a German identity figure for an ethnonational narrative and fascist ideas in twenty-first-century Germany.


2021 ◽  
pp. 288-311
Author(s):  
Helen Roche

Heinrich Himmler, August Heißmeyer, and the NPEA Inspectorate were eager to create a transnational empire of Napolas and ‘Reichsschulen’ in all of the territories occupied by Nazi Germany during World War II. These schools both mirrored and contributed to broader National Socialist occupation and Germanization policies throughout Eastern and Western Europe. They were intended to create a cadre of ‘Germanic’ or ‘Germanizable’ leaders, loyal above all to the SS. The chapter begins by exploring the genesis of the Reichsschulen in the occupied Netherlands—Valkenburg and Heythuysen—which were adopted as a ‘Germanic’ prestige project by the Reich Commissioner of the Netherlands, Arthur Seyß-Inquart. The chapter then turns eastwards to consider the role of the Napolas which were established in the conquered Czech and Polish lands, focusing on NPEA Sudetenland in Ploschkowitz (Ploskowice), NPEA Wartheland in Reisen (Rydzyna), and NPEA Loben (Lubliniec). All in all, the Napola selection process in the occupied Eastern territories can be seen as the peak of all the ‘racial sieving’ processes which the Nazi state forced ‘ethnic Germans’ (Volksdeutsche), Czechs, and Poles to undergo, inextricably bound up with the Third Reich’s wider race, resettlement, and extermination policies. The ultimate aim of all of these schools was to mingle Reich German and ‘ethnic German’ or ‘Germanic’ pupils, educating the two groups alongside each other, in order to create a unified cohort of leaders for the future Nazi empire, and to reclaim valuable ‘Germanic blood’ for the Reich.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Caroline Mezger

This chapter introduces the book’s key themes, historiographic framework, and research questions. It situates the book at the confluence of studies on National Socialism from a transnational and comparative perspective, experiences of Axis occupation during World War II, minorities and borderland nationalism in Central and Southeastern Europe, and the history of childhood and youth. Upon providing a brief historic overview of the ethnic Germans (Donauschwaben) in northern Yugoslavia’s Vojvodina and outlining the book’s key historiographic contributions, it reflects on the book’s multiscalar approach of interweaving archival, press, and original oral history sources to juxtapose and intertwine different levels of analysis. The chapter suggests that studying childhood and youth mobilization enables insight into larger historic conundrums, such as the interplay between categories like age, (ascribed) nationality, and gender in shaping historical experiences; the interaction between nationalizing forces “from above” and the lived, subjective experience of nationality “from below”; and questions of individual and collective agency in contexts of occupation and war. It presents the book’s main argument, that children and youth confronted with nationalizing projects themselves became agents of nationalization.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Bryce

This chapter argues that German-speaking educators in Buenos Aires took advantage of transatlantic support from Germany while navigating among their own interests in community, ethnicity, and belonging in Argentina. Focusing on the circulation of teachers, the flow of financial support from Germany, and a system that offered both Argentine and German diplomas, it offers new perspectives on how constructions of European ethnicity and Argentine belonging developed in a transnational context. For those in Germany, supporting schools and maintaining ethnic Germans within a territorially unbounded German nation reflected the nationalist aspiration to compete with other European empires on the global stage. For those in Buenos Aires, however, the same transatlantic relationship was oriented toward another set of expectations about the future. They instead believed that European support of German-Spanish bilingual schools would help educators and families succeed in their goal of pushing for a pluralist, multilingual society.


1999 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-130 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractEthnic Germans have traditionally been living in a number of other European states as national minorities. These minorities can in accordance with international law count on the support of their mother country as a protective power. During the Cold War, such German initiatives were often seen in Eastern Europe as interference into internal affairs and accordingly rejected. After the end of the block confrontation a significant number of bilateral agreements have been concluded in which the rights of German minorities are addressed. In these treaties the CSCE/OSCE documents play an important role. Doubtless these documents have no legal force. In the light of the theory of law it seems of great interest that clauses concerning minority protection have been integrated into binding international treaties. The treaties between Germany and Central and Eastern European states are examples for the ongoing process of “legalising” politically binding norms. All include, in one way or another, a reference to the political CSCE/OSCE-agreements relevant for minority protection. The relevant regulations are not only confirmed as binding for the signatory states, but rather that they are, although to varying degrees, being declared as legally effective instruments in bilateral relations. This “upgrade”raises these political norms to norms of international law.


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