The unsuccessful push for decentralization from the Fourth Republic through the conservative Fifth Republic

1991 ◽  
pp. 70-104
Author(s):  
Marta Pachocka

During World War II and the postwar years, France’s international position has been weakened. The seizure of power by Charles de Gaulle in 1958 contributed to a stabilization of the political situation in the country and to a redefinition of French foreign policy. The article analyzes the international position of France from the end of World War II until 2007, when Nicolas Sarkozy won the presidential election. Thus, the article covers the period of the existence of two French republics: the Fourth Republic in the years 1946–1958 and the Fifth Republic, which remains Hexagone’s contemporary political system since 1958. The article consists of three parts. In the first part the external and internal conditions of the birth of the Fifth Republic are presented, with particular emphasis on the role of its creator – Ch. de Gaulle. The second part discusses the importance of France in Europe aft er 1945, emphasizing its contribution to the process of European integration and to the development of relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the USSR/Russian Federation and the Mediterranean countries. Then, the third part of my article stresses the position of France in the system of international relations after World War II, analyzing it on the example of Franco-American and Franco-NATO relations, the French policy towards the Arab and African countries, and finally, on the example of the Republic’s multilateral diplomacy. I conclude that in the examined period 1945–2007 France is an example of the former global superpower, which builds and strengthens its international position as a regional power with global interests.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wright Vincent

PARTY POLITICS UNDER THE FIFZH REPUBLIC HAVE BEEN COMPLEX AND confused. New parties such as the Independent Republicans and the Centre Démocrate have appeared, and old ones such as the MRP and the CNIP-two of the great pivotal parties of the Fourth Republic - have disappeared as national forces. The Gaullists have grown, the communists have stagnated, the radicals have declined, and the socialists have experienced dramatically changing fortunes. The observer will be bewildered by the appearance and disappearance of party coalitions, by the political dissensions within the parties, by the bitter squabbles between parties which are in nominal alliance, and by the Quixotic waverings of certain party leaders - veritable weathercocks susceptible to the slightest political draught.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 300-307
Author(s):  
Brian Rigby

One of the most significant popular cultural movements of the Liberation was the organisation Peuple et Culture. Born in the Christian-Socialist ethos of the École des Cadres at Uriage under the Vichy regime, and inspired by the cultural policy of the Front Populaire, it developed as a Resistance organisation, bringing culture to the bands of résistants in the Vercors. At the Liberation and in the early years of the Fourth Republic, it played a key role in defining cultural reconstruction, emphasising the need for infrastructure and trained personnel, and working towards a holistic approach to workers’ education and culture from school years into all stages of adulthood. As such, in spite of political and theoretical inconsistencies and contradictions, it laid the ground for future cultural planning policies under the Fifth Republic.


1980 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-154
Author(s):  
Stanley Hoffmann

After a summer of ill humor came an autumn of scandals, and French political life hesitates between immobility and fragmentation. For many years now it has resembled an endless boxing match with countless rounds ; as soon as the elections to the European Parliament (discussed in the previous issue of this Review) were over, all thoughts and maneuvers moved on to the next round : the Presidential election of 1981. De Gaulle, blasting the Fourth Republic, had talked of its games, poisons and delights. In the current phase of the Fifth Republic, the delights are few, the poisons can be deadly and the games are sterile.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Boynton ◽  
Gerhard Loewenberg

Public support for the existing institutions of government depends in part on public perceptions of the alternatives. This assertion will not come as news in those parts of the world where changing the regime is a regular part of political life. In France, for example, where regimes have been numbered to distinguish them from each other, it is common knowledge that public evaluations of the Fourth Republic depended on comparisons with the Third, that especially in its early years the Fifth Republic was frequently judged by comparison with the Fourth, and that in particularly sophisticated circles these more or less contemporary regimes have been frequently compared with the First and Second Republics.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1(64)) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Adam Jamróz

Evolution of the Constitutional System of the V Republic. A Few Reflections The Constitution of the Fifth Republic of France after the reform of 1962 (introduction of the presidential election in a general vote) establishes, on a legal level, a semi-presidential system. Depending on the results of the presidential and parliamentary elections – in particular to the National Assembly – their result pointed towards “presidentialisation” of the system, meaning that the President could have in practice full executive powers (the government was responsible) or periods of cohabitation (cooperation), when the parliamentary majority represented an opposition option to the President of the Republic and the constitutional system revealed its parliamentary characteristics. The domination of the president in the Fifth Republic resulted not only (though mainly) from the political forces active at the time. Its sources are elucidated in article 5 of the Constitution, defining the functions of the president as the guardian of the Constitution and ensuring, through its arbitration, the regular functioning of public authorities and the continuity of the state. It is a tradition of republican France that political practice gives constitutional shape to legal constitutional norms; this was the case in the Fourth Republic, and even more so in the Third Republic.


2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-317
Author(s):  
Osahon O. Guobadia

A new constitutional democracy was established in Nigeria on 29 May 1999. This Fourth Republic was founded upon the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) which unshackled the judiciary from the bondage of military decrees. This also brought excitement to the citizenry which finds expression in the belief that the judiciary, their last bastion of succour, is now poised to intervene in the inevitable tussle between might and the exercise of new democratic tenets. These tenets encompass the ideals of economic justice, political justice and social justice. 1 1 C. C. Nweze, ‘Judicial Sustainability of Constitutional Democracy in Nigeria: A Response to the Phonographic Theory of the Judicial Function’, in E. S. Nwauche and F. I. Asogwah (eds), Essays in Honour of Professor C. O. Okunkwo, (SAN) Jite Books (2000), p. 225. Against the backdrop of this reality, the article will examine the extent to which the judiciary in Nigeria has performed its constitutional role as an independent arm of government towards ensuring the observance of democratic values in a free, open, humane and civilised society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-377
Author(s):  
Lydia A. Nkansah ◽  
Delali A. Gawu

There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the voters’ register, nomination of aspirants, voting, counting of votes and declaration of the results. To ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the laws regulating elections should comply with the dictates of the procedural requirements of the rule of law and the Electoral Commission's actions must be consistent with these laws.


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