The Dynamics of Nigeria’s Policy for Africa in the Post-Colonial Period

All heads of state of independent Nigeria have left their mark on the formation of national foreign policy, including the policy for Africa, and brought their vision to the development of this sphere, although the greatest contribution to the formation of relations of the Giant of Africa with other states of the continent was made during the years of the Fourth Republic (1999 – present), when, after a long period of military rule, civilian politicians came to power in the country. Throughout the entire period of independent development, the main principles of Nigeria’s formation of contacts with other countries were respect for equality and territorial integrity of sovereign states; non-interference in their internal affairs; active membership in international organizations; non-alignment with military-political blocs, etc. However, the main priority of Nigeria’s foreign policy in the post-colonial period was the development of relations with African countries – a phenomenon that has come to be known as Afrocentrism. In accordance with the principles declared in all Constitutions of the country (1960, 1979, 1993, and 1999), Nigeria made a great contribution to the struggle for the true political and economic independence of African countries, for the liberation of the continent from the remnants of colonialism and apartheid. Since the 1970s, when the country became one of the world’s largest oil producers and exporters and began to provide financial and logistical assistance to African countries in need, a new objective has appeared in its foreign policy – gaining the status of “the leader of the continent”. This desire has been fueled by the fact that Nigeria is the most populous state on the continent and has one of the largest and fastest growing economies in Africa. Not all Nigerian leaders were able to correctly identify political priorities and to a certain extent demonstrated naiveté, limiting their foreign policy primarily to the African direction. While in the first years of independence this was legitimate and justified, with the advent of globalization, the development of a multipolar world, and the transformation of the world political and economic order, it became necessary to ensure that Nigeria’s foreign policy was adapted to modern realities. Meanwhile, thanks to its economic potential, huge reserves of hydrocarbons, which all countries in the region need, and military-political power, Nigeria quite rightly claims a central role in coordinating joint efforts to achieve true economic and political independence by West African states, although one of the obstacles to the transformation Nigeria into a real “hegemon” both in West Africa and throughout the continent remains political instability in the country.

Navigating the Fourth Republic

Through the end of the Third Republic, only tiny numbers of West African students managed to study at France’s universities. Barriers to higher education began to fall after World War II, especially after African populations collectively gained citizenship. Higher education became a high-stakes policy area, as French officials and West African students and politicians vied to influence the parameters and possibilities of the postwar order. Amid escalating concerns about West African student migrations to the metropole, French officials eventually opened an Institute of Higher Studies in Dakar. However, this inchoate institution ended up highlighting the fundamental ambiguities of overseas citizenship. As West African students turned increasingly to anti-colonial activism, French authorities finally committed to establishing a full university in Dakar. Paradoxically, the construction and consolidation of this French university took place during the period of active decolonization.

Secularism and National in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: an Empirical Study

Nigeria is a plural state with diverse culture, ethnic and religious institutions. These portray the beauty of the country to the outside world and successive Nigerian governments have not ceased to preach the nation’s desire to forge unity in diversity. However, the reality on the ground is that ethnic chauvinism, ethnic politics, ethnic consciousness, ethnic factionalization, religious fanaticism and extremism have overshadowed the desire for unity, which is a basic ingredient for national development. These are manifested in political and constitutional instabilities, ethnic and religious violence, bad leadership and governance, political competition for power, insecurity of lives and property, corruption, tribalism and nepotism, injustice, immoral acts, bloodshed, and intolerance. The challenges of national development in Nigeria assume such an awful proportion that seems to defy any kind of antidote; this is the stage at which the concept of secularism becomes most apt. This study therefore explored the effect of secularism on national development in Nigeria’s fourth republic. A descriptive method was adopted and data was collected via a survey of 900 respondents comprises of Christian leaders, Muslim leaders, Traditional leaders, leaders of Civil Society groups and Youth leaders. Data collected were analysed using Pearson product moment correlation and linear regression analysis. The result of the study revealed that there is a positive and significant relationship between secularism and national development. The result also showed that secularism does have a significant effect on national development in Nigeria’s fourth republic. Requisite recommendations and conclusion were provided in the light of theoretical and empirical findings.

Pentecostals and politics in Ghana’s Fourth Republic: From enclave to engagement

<p>Using a case study of six Pentecostal ministries, spanning four strands of Pentecostalism in Ghana, this study examines Pentecostals’ engagement with politics during the Fourth Republican era of Ghana’s political history (1993-present). The aim is to discern whether there is a new and distinctive Pentecostal political engagement different from that of Historic Mission Churches, and from its own past, and evaluate its significance. To address this, three practical areas of Pentecostal participation in politics are examined: (1) democracy; (2) political economy; and, (3) prophetic politics. The argument is that Pentecostals in Ghana have transitioned from an ‘enclave’ community to one of sustained political engagement. The study demonstrates that this transition entails both continuities and discontinuities in Pentecostal political engagement. The new elements that are highlighted are the development of a distinctive prophetic politics focussed on ‘divine prediction,’ which forecasts political happenings, and more active and unique ways of participating in Ghana’s democracy and economy that closely reference the democratic and national economic goals. The study evidences the academic value in widening studies on Pentecostal political engagement beyond prosperity teachings and enchanted world views to include Pentecostal practice, alongside Pentecostal theologies. The thesis contributes to advancing knowledge specifically in the areas of Pentecostals and politics, and Christianity and politics in Ghana, and West Africa more generally.</p>

Pentecostals and politics in Ghana’s Fourth Republic: From enclave to engagement

<p>Using a case study of six Pentecostal ministries, spanning four strands of Pentecostalism in Ghana, this study examines Pentecostals’ engagement with politics during the Fourth Republican era of Ghana’s political history (1993-present). The aim is to discern whether there is a new and distinctive Pentecostal political engagement different from that of Historic Mission Churches, and from its own past, and evaluate its significance. To address this, three practical areas of Pentecostal participation in politics are examined: (1) democracy; (2) political economy; and, (3) prophetic politics. The argument is that Pentecostals in Ghana have transitioned from an ‘enclave’ community to one of sustained political engagement. The study demonstrates that this transition entails both continuities and discontinuities in Pentecostal political engagement. The new elements that are highlighted are the development of a distinctive prophetic politics focussed on ‘divine prediction,’ which forecasts political happenings, and more active and unique ways of participating in Ghana’s democracy and economy that closely reference the democratic and national economic goals. The study evidences the academic value in widening studies on Pentecostal political engagement beyond prosperity teachings and enchanted world views to include Pentecostal practice, alongside Pentecostal theologies. The thesis contributes to advancing knowledge specifically in the areas of Pentecostals and politics, and Christianity and politics in Ghana, and West Africa more generally.</p>

Cross Carpeting and the Challenges to Democratic Culture and Political Stability in Nigeria's Fourth Republic

Cross carpeting is an act of swapping political parties. It is an act of changing party allegiance or moving from one party to another. Cross carpeting in known by different nomenclature such as party hopping, party switching, party crossover, party defection, party decamping, floor crossing, canoe-jumping, political party prostitution and political nomadism. The spate of cross carpeting at all the levels of government in Nigeria is beginning to cause serious political tension, hostility and a source of worry to Nigerians. It is against this backdrop that this study seeks to examine the effect of cross carpeting on democratic culture and political stability in Nigeria’s fourth republic. Cross - sectional research method was adopted and data was collected via a survey of 300 respondents in south – south geopolitical zone of Nigeria. Data collected were analyzed using correlation and linear regression analysis with the aid of Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) version 23. The findings of the study revealed that cross carpeting negatively and significantly impacts on democratic culture and political stability in Nigeria’s fourth republic. On the basis of these findings, the study recommends among others that every political party should have ideologies, programme and policies which will serve as a compass to their members and discourage them from defecting to another party.