Adult Socialization and Out-Group Politicization: An Empirical Study of Consciousness-Raising

1987 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenny Chapman

At the heart of the feminist theory of consciousness-raising is a very precise hypothesis about the conditions in which most women – and members of any other socio-political out-group – will overcome their socialization into the culture of the dominant in-group to acquire political consciousness. The hypothesis is that separate interaction directly among themselves in autonomous, all-female groups will lead women to develop a new consciousness of women as a political category with interests distinct from those of men. This article uses new data about local women politicians in Scotland to test the hypothesis that there will be a strong, symmetrical and independent relationship between a woman politician's political orientation towards women and her experience of separate interaction. This relationship holds good for experience of any kind of separate interaction, even if it is confined to groups of an entirely non-political character, thereby confirming the causal inference that politicization is the consequence of separate experience and not ils precondition.


Author(s):  
Judith Grant

This chapter analyzes multiple conceptualizations of experience developed within Anglo-American and French feminist theory, and traces their relation to the concepts “woman,” “patriarchy,” and “personal politics.” It explores experience as epistemological ground, as a mechanism of subject formation, as a technique in consciousness raising, and as a methodology. Taking the feminist sexuality debates as a point of departure, the chapter also situates the limitations of feminist notions of experience in relation to queer theory, critical theory, poststructuralism, and the problematics of humanism. Finally, the chapter shows how feminist theoretical uses of the idea of experience parallel explorations and developments of the concept in other non-feminist critical theories. Though it has very often been ignored or considered as something of an anomaly by other critical theorists, the chapter demonstrates that feminist theory is a kind of critical theory and situates it in that broader context.



Author(s):  
Christopher Grobe

Two narratives dominate existing accounts of feminist art in America in the 1970s. One says that this art was politically and aesthetically naïve, based too firmly in consciousness raising. The other selects a few artists or works to rescue from this decade and celebrate as precociously deconstructive. In feminist theory of the 1980s and 1990s, the favored model for such anti-confessional, ironic performance is drag. This chapter focuses on the work of two performance and conceptual artists of the 1970s who fit neatly into neither of these stories. Linda Montano and Eleanor Antin each blended self-revelation and roleplay, confession and drag into a single practice, which they insisted was basically “autobiographical.” Placing these two artists in their West Coast feminist context (e.g., in relation to the Feminist Art Program), and rereading the history of drag performance itself, this chapter theorizes “camp sincerity” as, in fact, the signature style of self-performance in the 1970s.



2019 ◽  
pp. 176-198
Author(s):  
Clare Chambers

This chapter discusses gender. Mainstream political theorists have often ignored the issue of gender difference, and so feminists have had to argue for its significance and importance. There are many varieties of feminism, just as there are many varieties of liberalism or egalitarianism. However, it is possible to identify three theses that all feminists support, in one form or another. These theses are the entrenchment of gender; the existence of patriarchy; and the need for change. A key theme of feminist theory has been the idea that it is vital to distinguish the terms ‘sex’ and ‘gender’. According to the distinction, ‘sex’ refers to biological differences and ‘gender’ refers to social differences. Feminists use philosophical and political methods that are common to other theories or campaigns, but there are some distinctively feminist methods, such as the Woman Question and consciousness raising.





2021 ◽  
pp. 134-164
Author(s):  
Max Waltman

The chapter sets forth a political theory of what would make legal challenges to pornography successful. Obstacles are identified in early liberal concepts of “negative rights,” which prevent interventions against non-state abuses of power. A nuanced view of power recognizes “positive rights” to intervention. The feminist theory of consciousness-raising is explored, shedding light on the necessity of subordinated groups’ representation. Intersectionality theory illustrates how multiple disadvantages prevent redress for people harmed by pornography under existing laws. Hence, legal challenges are hypothesized to be more efficient when the perspectives and interests of survivor groups of pornography-related harms are represented. The postmodern position submitting that subordinated groups’ rights should not be recognized, claiming they will be misappropriated and “renaturalize” oppression, is criticized for being a reductionist anti-state position conflating social categorization with its material consequences, thus denying (like negative rights do) a politics that could challenge that same oppressive material reality.



Etyka ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 11-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Beebe

In this paper, I review recent attempts by experimental philosophers and psychologists to study folk metaethics empirically and discuss some of the difficulties that researchers face when trying to construct the right kind of research materials and interpreting the results that they obtain. At first glance, the findings obtained so far do not look good for the thesis that people are everywhere moral realists about every moral issue. However, because of difficulties in interpreting these results, I argue that better research is needed to move the debate forward.



2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-154
Author(s):  
Iis Khaerunisah ◽  
M. Japar ◽  
Suhadi Suhadi

This study aims to explain the political culture of Indramayu women through political behaviour and political orientation. The method used is descriptive method with qualitative approach. Data collection was carried out through observation, literature studies, and in-depth interviews. The results of the study show that women’s political participation in Indramayu is quite high, especially in the legislatives and excecutive institutions. However, women politicians have not succeeded in fighting for the maximum issue of womens. This happens because of their limited ability and knowledge of the problem that arise. Most female politicians do not have adequate education. They appear as politicians instaneously who rely on the influence of family or relatives who dominate the local bureaucracy.



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