The Political Culture of Canadian Foreign Policy

1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denis Stairs

On prétend souvent que les élites politiques du Canada, plus qu'ailleurs, établissent leur leadership, guidées par une combinaison conjugueé de principes et d'adaptation aux circonstances. Cette thèse est fort étayée par la politique étrangère canadienne; l'on trouve des exemples dans l'approche d'Ottawa à la formation des Nations Unies, dans la manière de résoudre les conflits internationaux et dans l'administration des relations bilatérales avec les Etats-Unis. Dans ces trois contextes, on note une méfiance envers le dogmes, la peur des extrémismes, le respect de la diversité, la crainte du conflit, la croyance en la necessité du compromis et le souci de résoudre les divergences de façon ordonnée.Cette conception de bonne pratique politique semble être bien adaptée au contexte international, mais, comme style de leadership, elle est fréquemment attaquée au niveau domestique.Dans le contexte d'une population hétérogène et dans un système de démocratie parlementaire, l'adoption d'une approche plus cohérente et moins ad hoc dans les prises de décisions gouvernementales constitue un problème de taille. Cependant, les récentes tentatives pratiques de le régler ont déplacé le vrai problème en se concentrant dans les changements de la machine administrative. Ces transformations ont été accompagneées de la création d'une nouvelle classe de fonctionnaires séniors et de l'affaiblissement de la pratique politique. Malgré ses défauts, la pratique politique avail toutefois l'avantage de créer un certain'degré de solidarité dans une population où les raisons de conflit sont très nombreuses. Dans cet aspect, le « vieux » correspondait peut-être mieux au Canada que le « nouveau ».

2007 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Phillips

AbstractThe concept of ‘securitization’ has become particularly influential in the post-9/11 world. This paper aims to scrutinize and, ultimately, reject an emerging set of claims about political economy which draw upon this framework. The contention that US foreign economic policy is increasingly subject to a process of securitization misrepresents the substance of contemporary US foreign policy, the political environment in which it is articulated and the process by which it is made. Pursuing this argument, the paper sets out a framework within which to understand the evolution of contemporary US policy, paying attention to distinctive forms of the economic–security nexus; the form of ‘ad hoc reactivism’ that has consistently characterized US foreign economic policy; the set of commercial and wider economic goals to which policy responds; and the dynamics of competition for leadership in key regions.


ICR Journal ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 300-319
Author(s):  
Syed Serajul Islam ◽  
Ishtiaq Hossain

This article analyses the participation of Canadian Muslims in debates affecting Canada’s domestic and foreign policy issues. Here, the Canadian Muslim identity is first of all briefly spelled out. Then a detailed discussion is made of their role in debates affecting the country’s domestic affairs. In addition, the Canadian foreign policy issues which are of interest to Canadian Muslims are identified and their stand on those issues are analysed. The discussion in this article demonstrates that the Muslim citizens of Canada are conscious of their own Canadian Muslim identity. It also shows that, like other Canadians, the Muslim citizens of Canada express their opinion freely on matters, which are of importance to the country. Although their impact on policy-making remains negligible, their increasing participation in the political process of the country beacons hope for their more lasting impact on the country’s public policy-making in future.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 464-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilad Margalit

Recent historical studies on the organizations of German expellees and their influence on West German political culture highlight the insincere attitude and deception by the whole West German political establishment toward the expellee politicians and activists and their cause. One study in this field is Matthias Stickler's important book “Ostdeutsch heißt Gesamtdeutsch,” and a more recent one by Manfred Kittel, Vertreibung der Vertriebenen?, takes Stickler's thesis even further. It creates the impression that the expellee organizations, highly dependent on the government for financial and political support, had no option in this matter and were even helpless in that they had to accept the noncommittal rhetoric and the West German government's unwillingness to obligate West Germany for their cause. In this article, I probe this portrayal of the expellee politicians and activists as objects rather than subjects of German politics by inquiring into the political and public relations activities of the German Sudeten Council (Sudetendeutscher Rat) in the field of foreign policy during and around the tenure of Hans-Christoph Seebohm as the leader (Sprecher) of the German Sudeten Expellee Homeland Society (Landsmannschaft) (1959–1967). The Sudeten Council is a non-party association; one half of its members are elected by the federal assembly of the German Sudeten Landsmannschaft and the other half by the political parties of the Bundestag. As well as being a politician of the expellee organization, Hans-Christoph Seebohm pursued the longest political career in the German federal cabinet—seventeen years. He served as Minister of Transportation and Mail of the Federal Republic from 1949 to 1966 under Chancellors Konrad Adenauer and Ludwig Erhard. To date, no monographic work has been written about Seebohm.


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