scholarly journals Canadian Muslims and Canada's Domestic and Foreign Policy Issues: An Analysis

ICR Journal ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 300-319
Author(s):  
Syed Serajul Islam ◽  
Ishtiaq Hossain

This article analyses the participation of Canadian Muslims in debates affecting Canada’s domestic and foreign policy issues. Here, the Canadian Muslim identity is first of all briefly spelled out. Then a detailed discussion is made of their role in debates affecting the country’s domestic affairs. In addition, the Canadian foreign policy issues which are of interest to Canadian Muslims are identified and their stand on those issues are analysed. The discussion in this article demonstrates that the Muslim citizens of Canada are conscious of their own Canadian Muslim identity. It also shows that, like other Canadians, the Muslim citizens of Canada express their opinion freely on matters, which are of importance to the country. Although their impact on policy-making remains negligible, their increasing participation in the political process of the country beacons hope for their more lasting impact on the country’s public policy-making in future.

2005 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Gregory

Karen Baehler’s interpretation of my articles (Gregory, 1998, 2002, 2004) indicates that we are largely talking past each other. I believe we make a fundamentally different assumption about the nature of politics in what she refers to as ‘a healthy democratic polity’ (p.3), and about the nature of a capitalist political-economic system. Whereas Baehler acknowledges the importance of the political dimensions of policy analysis and public policymaking, I believe that these elements are more than just important but essential, omnipresent, ineluctable and conclusive in shaping public policy and its effects.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdurrachman Satrio

Judicialization of politics are the phenomenon which usually happen in a democratic constitutional state, which cause power movement to resolve problems which related to public policy making and political nature, from the political institution to judicial institution. In Indonesia this phenomenon arise in the authority of the Constitutional Court, especially in the authority of the Constitutional Court when they adjudicate electoral result dispute, whichs so far, most widely submitted cases to the Constitutional Court. But, as a independent and impartial judicial institution the Constitutional Court must restrict to adjudicate the political cases such as electoral result dispute so that this institution would not be politicking object of another branch of government, however judicialization of politics phenomenon is something that Constitutional Court would not avoid, so that this article will examine how important the Constitutional Court to priority judicial restraint principle in order to adjudicate electoral result dispute, so that Constitutional Court would not be politicking object of another branch of government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rocío B. Hubert ◽  
Elsa Estevez ◽  
Ana Maguitman ◽  
Tomasz Janowski

1983 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 13-13
Author(s):  
Avery Leiserson

This essay addresses the problem of teachers and students who have reached the point of trying to find a common ground for perceiving (seeing) politics. This may occur almost any time during any social science course, but it cannot be assumed to happen automatically the first day of class in government, citizenship, or public affairs. Hopefully, the signal is some variant of the question: “What do we mean by politics, or the political aspect of human affairs?” A parade of definitions — taking controversial positions on public policy issues; running for elective office; who gets what, when and how; and manipulating people—is not a mutually-satisfying answer if it produces the Queen of Hearts’ attitude in students that the word politics means what they choose it to mean and nothing more.


1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 615-624 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Sigelman ◽  
William G. Vanderbok

The bureaucratization of the political process that characterizes twentieth century politics in many countries has not bypassed Canada—as evidenced by skyrocketing rates of government employment and expenditure and, even more dramatically, by the ever-expanding policy-making power of Canadian bureaucracy. One observer sees the civil service as occupying an increasingly strategic role in Canadian politics, a condition thatreflects in part the expanding role of modern government into highly technical areas, which tends to augment the discretion of permanent officials because legislators are obliged to delegate to them the administration of complex affairs, including the responsibility for drafting and adjudicating great amounts of sub-legislation required to “fill in the details” of the necessarily broad, organic statutes passed by Parliament. Some indication of the scale of such discretion is found in the fact that, during the period 1963–8, an annual average of 4,130 Orders-in-Council were passed in Ottawa, a substantial proportion of which provided for delegating authority to prescribe rules and regulations to ministers and their permanent advisers. By contrast, the number of laws passed annually by Canadian federal parliaments is rarely over one hundred.


1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Larry W. Bowman

Relationships between U.S. government officials and academic specialists working on national security and foreign policy issues with respect to Africa are many and complex. They can be as informal as a phone call or passing conversation or as formalized as a consulting arrangement or research contract. Many contacts exist and there is no doubt that many in both government and the academy value these ties. There have been, however, ongoing controversies about what settings and what topics are appropriate to the government/academic interchange. National security and foreign policy-making in the U.S. is an extremely diffuse process.


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