Débats télévisés et évaluations des candidats: la représentation visuelle des politiciens canadiens agit-elle dans la formation des préférences des électeurs québécois?

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 867-895 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thierry Giasson ◽  
Richard Nadeau ◽  
Éric Bélanger

Résumé. L'apparence des politiciens, leur représentation visuelle pendant un débat télévisé a-t-elle un impact sur l'évaluation que font d'eux les électeurs? Le contexte d'écoute joue-t-il sur l'identification du gagnant de la confrontation? Le niveau de sophistication politique et la fermeté de l'identité partisane de l'électeur limitent-ils l'effet de la représentation visuelle des politiciens dans son évaluation de leurs performances oratoires? S'inspirant du débat théorique qui secoue la discipline depuis la diffusion du premier débat Kennedy-Nixon en 1960, cet article présente les données tirées d'une expérience menée auprès d'électeurs québécois lors de la diffusion du débat francophone de l'élection fédérale canadienne de 2000. L'analyse démontre que la représentation visuelle des politiciens et le contexte d'écoute du débat amènent les participants à évaluer différemment la performance des politiciens et agissent également sur la capacité des électeurs à identifier clairement le vainqueur du débat télévisé. Les données indiquent de plus que la fermeté de l'identité partisane agit comme rempart aux effets de la représentation visuelle sur l'évaluation des politiciens par les téléspectateurs, alors que le niveau de sophistication des électeurs, contrairement aux attentes théoriques, ne joue pas ce rôle. Tout comme le contenu de leurs interventions verbales, les composantes de la représentation visuelle des acteurs politiques représentent des pistes d'information qui alimentent également la réflexion des électeurs lors de l'écoute d'un débat télévisé.Abstract. Does a politician's appearance, visual representation, during a televised debate influence voters' evaluations of her performance? Does the listening context of the debate impact a voter's capacity to identify a clear winner? Are political sophistication and partisanship strong barriers to the potential effects of politicians' images on voters' evaluations of their performance? Adding a Canadian perspective to the ongoing theoretical debate on the actual impact of leaders' visual representation in televised debates on voter preferences, launched in 1960 by preliminary assesments of the first Kennedy-Nixon debate, this article presents data collected during an experiment conducted with a sample of Québec voters during the broadcast of the French language leaders' debate of the 2000 Canadian federal election. The study shows that the leaders' visual representation during the debate and the listening context of the event bring voters to evaluate politicians participating in the broadcast differently and play on voters' capacity to easily identify a clear winner of the televised confrontation. Furthermore, our analysis indicates that partisanship is a strong barrier to the effect of visual representation in voters' evaluations of the leaders but that political sophistication, contrary to theoretical expectations, is not. Like verbal arguments brought forward by the politicians in a televised debate, their visual representation also carries information cues that help define voters' evaluations of the leaders participating in the broadcast.

1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Krashinsky ◽  
William J. Milne

AbstractThis note extends the authors' earlier work on incumbency in Canadian federal and Ontario provincial elections by examining riding by riding results in the 1984 federal and 1985 Ontario provincial elections. In particular, the authors test their earlier hypothesis that incumbency effects are swamped by large shifts in voter preferences. The results indicate that incumbency had a significant impact, and that this impact was not reduced by the large shift in votes in the 1984 federal election. The authors reject the hypothesis that large shifts in party allegiance reduce incumbency effects.


2021 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-32
Author(s):  
Yulia Bosworth

In the weeks leading up to the Canadian federal election, federal party leaders seek to appeal to a crucial part of the electorate - Québec voters, most of whom are of French-Canadian background - through a series of televised debates. As party leaders engage in discourse aimed at creating proximity with and enacting an affiliative stance toward these voters, the debates become a platform for discursive negotiation of Québec identity, in which identity stances and narratives are reflected, reproduced, and challenged. This study examines a corpus of party leaders’ discourse as these political actors interactively negotiate Québec identity during three party leader debates in the 2019 federal election. Following the theoretical framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, the inquiry discusses the following aspects of the party leaders’ discourse: discursive representation of Quebecers’ group identity and self-positioning with respect to that identity, use of symbolic lexis and references that signal attachment to the French-Canadian majority’s collective memory, and self-positioning with respect to the French language. In addition, the discussion addresses implications of the bilingual nature of political discourse in the Canadian context, focusing on party leaders’ use of code-switching and metapragmatic commentary. Crucially, the study’s conclusions suggest that a shared vision of Québec identity has not yet been widely ratified. While the party leaders’ discourse appears largely felicitous with the inclusive, civic vision of Québec identity, the study’s findings point to continued primacy of the French-Canadian fact in its current conceptualization.


1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denis Monière

AbstractThis article compares the lexical performances of Canadian political leaders in the French-language leaders' debate broadcast during the federal election of 1988, in order to test some hypotheses concerning the relations between the communication strategies adopted by the leaders and their respective role in the party system. The author shows that the political discourse of the leader of the government party does not follow the same line of argumentation as those developed by the leaders of the opposing parties. To do so, the study employs indicators like tenses clauses, name-dropping, frequency of numbers, self-presentation and criticism of the adversaries. The author also identifies the most significant words and compares the issues developed by each leader to test the relevance of the political mimesis thesis and to estimate the importance granted to the critiques of the respective adversaries and specific propositions for the future.


PMLA ◽  
1935 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1295-1299
Author(s):  
H. Carrington Lancaster

2010 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Kathryn Wishart

Abstract Speech-language pathologists, working in a multicultural, community-based environment for young children with special needs in Vancouver, Canada, collected information on 84 clients using AAC from a chart review. The speech-language pathologists collected additional usage information and attended a group interview to discuss barriers and facilitators of AAC. Thirty-one percent of the children were using AAC. Children aged between 16 and 72 months typically relied on multiple modes of communication, including sign, communication boards and binders, and low- and high-tech communication devices. All of the children used at least one type of unaided mode. Fifty-five percent used pictures or communication boards/displays, and 29% used technology with speech output. Similarities in usage of AAC were noted in home and child-care settings with increased use of unaided in homes and a slightly increased use of aided communication in child care settings. Speech-language pathologists reported that the time needed for AAC intervention as well as limited funding for high-tech devices continue to be major barriers. Additional research is needed to describe current AAC practices with young children particularly from minority linguistic and cultural backgrounds. Stakeholder input is needed to explore perceptions of children's usage of AAC in daily life with familiar and unfamiliar communication partners.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Osborne ◽  
Yannick Dufresne ◽  
Gregory Eady ◽  
Jennifer Lees-Marshment ◽  
Cliff van der Linden

Abstract. Research demonstrates that the negative relationship between Openness to Experience and conservatism is heightened among the informed. We extend this literature using national survey data (Study 1; N = 13,203) and data from students (Study 2; N = 311). As predicted, education – a correlate of political sophistication – strengthened the negative relationship between Openness and conservatism (Study 1). Study 2 employed a knowledge-based measure of political sophistication to show that the Openness × Political Sophistication interaction was restricted to the Openness aspect of Openness. These studies demonstrate that knowledge helps people align their ideology with their personality, but that the Openness × Political Sophistication interaction is specific to one aspect of Openness – nuances that are overlooked in the literature.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauro Bertolotti ◽  
Patrizia Catellani ◽  
Karen M. Douglas ◽  
Robbie M. Sutton

In two experimental studies (conducted in Britain and Italy), participants read about a politician answering to leadership- versus morality-related allegations using either downward counterfactuals (“things could have been worse, if ...”) or upward counterfactuals (“things could have been better, if ...”). Downward messages increased the perception of the politician’s leadership, while both downward and upward messages increased morality perception. Political sophistication moderated the effect of message direction, with downward messages increasing perceived morality in low sophisticates and upward messages increasing perceived morality in high sophisticates. In the latter group, the acknowledgment of an intent to take responsibility mediated morality judgment. Results were consistent across different countries, highlighting previously unexplored effects of communication on the perception of the “Big Two” dimensions.


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