It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office

2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 953-954
Author(s):  
Linda Trimble
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Professional Women ◽  
Highly Qualified ◽  
Work Skills ◽  
Comprehensive Survey ◽  
Political Office ◽  
The Right

It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office, Jennifer L. Lawless, Richard L. Fox, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 203.It Takes a Candidate explains why professional women aren't running for political office in sufficient numbers to narrow the persistent gender gap in political representation in the United States. By means of a comprehensive survey of men and women in the political “pipeline professions,” the authors discovered that women remain less politically ambitious than men. Even highly qualified women tend not to envision political careers or to believe they have the right stuff for politics. Remarkably, women who do decide to run for office often doubt their credentials. In contrast, men with similar qualifications have little difficulty imagining holding even the highest political positions, as they accept their life and work skills as unique training for elected public service.

The God of the Internet

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Goldsmith ◽  
Tim Wu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Essential Feature ◽  
Critical Time ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Government ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Human Operators ◽  
The Right ◽  
E Mail

If you had met Jon Postel in 1998, you might have been surprised to learn that you were in the presence of one of the Internet’s greatest living authorities. He had a rambling, ragged look, living in sandals and a large, unkempt beard. He lived like a modern-day Obi-Wan Kenobi, an academic hermit who favored solitary walks on the Southern California beach. When told once by a reporter that readers were interested in learning more about his personal life, he answered: “If we tell them, they won’t be interested anymore.” Yet this man was, and had been for as long as anyone could remember, the ultimate authority for assignment of the all-important Internet Protocol (IP) numbers that are the essential feature of Internet membership. Like the medallions assigned to New York City taxicabs, each globally unique number identifies a computer on the Net, determining who belongs and who doesn’t. “If the Net does have a God,” wrote the Economist in 1997, “he is probably Jon Postel.” Jon Postel was a quiet man who kept strong opinions and sometimes acted in surprising ways. The day of January 28, 1998, provided the best example. On that day Postel wrote an e-mail to the human operators of eight of the twelve “name servers” around the globe. Name servers are the critical computers that are ultimately responsible for making sure that when you type a name like google.com you reach the right address (123.23.83.0). On that day Postel asked the eight operators, all personally loyal to Postel, to recognize his computer as the “root,” or, in essence, the master computer for the whole Internet. The operators complied, pointing their servers to Postel’s computer instead of the authoritative root controlled by the United States government. The order made the operators nervous—Paul Vixie, one of the eight, quietly arranged to have someone look after his kids in case he was arrested. Postel was playing with fire. His act could have divided the Internet’s critical naming system into two gigantic networks, one headed by himself, the other headed by the United States. He engineered things so that the Internet continued to run smoothly. But had he wanted to during this critical time, he might have created chaos.

It Takes a State: A Policy Feedback Model of Women's Political Representation

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eileen McDonagh
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Feedback ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Feedback Model ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Office ◽  
The Public Sphere

American women attain more professional success in medicine, business, and higher education than do most of their counterparts around the world. An enduring puzzle is, therefore, why the US lags so far behind other countries when it comes to women's political representation. In 2008, women held only 16.8 percent of seats in the House of Representatives, a proportion that ranks America lower than 83 other countries. This article addresses this conundrum. It establishes that equal rights alone are insufficient to ensure equal access to political office. Also necessary are public policies representing maternal traits that voters associate with women. Such policies have feedback effects that teach voters that the maternal traits attributed to women represent strengths not only in the private sphere of the home but also in the public sphere of the state. Most other democracies now have such policies in place, but the United States lacks such policies, which accounts for its laggard status with regard to the political representation of women.

Considering Precedent in Louisiana: Balancing the Value of Predictable and Certain Interpretation with the Tradition of Flexibility and Adaptability

2013 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Mary Garvey Algero
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Common Law ◽  
New York State ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
Stare Decisis ◽  
The Common ◽  
Judicial Opinions ◽  
The Right

Despite the fundamental differences between the doctrines employed in common law and civil law (or mixed) jurisdictions when it comes to the respect paid to prior court decisions and their weight or value, United States courts that follow the common law doctrine of stare decisis have embraced some of the flexibility inherent in the civil law doctrine, and civil law and mixed jurisdictions throughout the world, including Louisiana, that use the doctrine of jurisprudence constante seem to have come to value the predictability and certainty that come with the common law doctrine. This Article suggests that Louisiana courts are striking the right balance between valuing the predictability and certainty of interpretation that comes with a healthy respect for precedent and maintaining the flexibility and adaptability of the law by not strictly considering precedent a source of law. This Article discusses the results of an ongoing examination of the sources of law and the value of precedent in Louisiana. The examination involves a study of Louisiana legislation, Louisiana courts’ writings about the sources of law and precedent, and a survey of Louisiana judges. Part of the examination included reviewing Louisiana judicial opinions on various issues to determine if there were differences in valuing precedent based on area of law or topic. It also included reviewing judicial opinions from the United States Supreme Court and New York state courts to compare these courts’ approaches to the use of precedent with those of the Louisiana courts. The article is based on a paper presented to the Third Congress of Mixed Jurisdiction Jurists, which was held in Jerusalem, Israel in June 2011, and the author’s prior writings on the subject.

Paradigm Lost: The Dutch Dilemma

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Punch ◽  
Bob Hoogenboom ◽  
Tom Williamson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Zero Tolerance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Crime Reduction ◽  
Dutch Society ◽  
Community Oriented Policing ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
The Right

In the 1970s the Dutch police developed a paradigm of policing that married ideas from the United States on community-oriented policing to a strongly social and democratic role for the police in society. From the early 1990s there was a gradual shift to the right in Dutch society that was reflected in concerns about crime and safety. The paradigm came under scrutiny. Then Dutch officers began to visit New York in considerable numbers and returned with ideas on ‘zero tolerance’. This ‘tough’ approach to crime reduction appears to conflict with Dutch ‘tolerance’ in criminal justice. The paper argues that there is reluctance to abandon that original paradigm, ambivalence about the new concepts from abroad but, above all, an inability to develop a new, comprehensive paradigm. This may well be true elsewhere and we assume that modern policing needs to be based on a well-thought paradigm on the police role in society.

35 United States of America

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cohn Joshua
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
New York State ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Security Interest ◽  
Bankruptcy Code ◽  
The Right ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines the most common aspects of the right of set-off in the United States, focusing on the State of New York. It also considers the U.S. Bankruptcy Code and its implications for the right of set-off. The chapter first considers contractual and statutory set-off outside bankruptcy proceedings and whether set-off can be considered a security interest before discussing set-off against insolvent parties. It explains how the right of set-off is affected by the automatic stay provision in section 362 of the Bankruptcy Code, the prohibition of creditor preferences, and fraudulent transfers. It also analyses choice of law issues arising in cross-border set-off, taking into account the relevant provisions of the New York State law and Chapter 15 of the Bankruptcy Code. Finally, it reviews the applicable rules for non-U.S. parties participating in a debtor's plenary Bankruptcy Code proceeding in the absence of a Chapter 15 ancillary proceeding.

American Elegy, Reflux

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn A. Mariner
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Atmospheric Condition ◽  
Respiratory Illness ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Violence ◽  
Environmental Implications ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
The American South ◽  
Change State ◽  
The Right

Abstract This is a meditation on bad air as a defining bodily, temporal, political, and atmospheric condition of the twenty-first-century American Dream. In 2020, the novel viral respiratory illness COVID-19 stole the final breaths of nearly 350,000 Americans (and severely damaged the lungs of many, many more). George Floyd and Daniel Prude, unarmed and Black, were suffocated by the police in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and Rochester, New York, respectively. Protesters marching in the streets for racial justice were tear-gassed under milky skies. Wildfires raged up and down the West Coast of the United States, thickening the air in the mountains, in the valleys, in the woods, in the cities, with particulate matter. And doctors found a malignant mass in the right lung of this author’s mother. This essay uses the double meaning of aspiration (to inhale and to dream) to trace the myriad ways our collective breathing is central to, and curtailed by, the American Aspiration. Grounded through the breath, it traces the deep entanglements of global pandemic, climate change, state violence, and lung cancer, and their combined social, political, and environmental implications for Americans’ collective flourishing, or collective strangulation. Carried on the polar jet stream from rural Oregon, to the streets of Minneapolis and Rochester, to the tobacco plantations of the American South, it is a rhetorical exercise in breathless grief, in having the wind knocked out, in going up in smoke.

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