The Public Service Media and Public Service Internet Utopias Survey Report

This chapter presents the results of the Public Service Media and Public Service Internet Utopias Survey, an exploratory survey conducted by Christian Fuchs. The survey was the first step in the process that led to the Public Service Media and Public Service Internet Manifesto. The exploratory survey was focused on gathering ideas about the future of the Internet and public service media. The survey was qualitative in nature and focused on three themes: communication, digital media and the Internet in an ideal world; progressive reforms of public service media; public service media and the Internet in 2030. There were 141 responses. The survey results informed and structured the further work process that led to the Public Service Media and Public Service Internet Manifesto. The survey provides ample evidence for the importance of Public Service Media for the future of the democratic public sphere and shows that the Public Service Internet is the key issue for the future of Public Service Media. The survey inspired concrete utopian thinking among the respondents in order to generate new ideas about the future of the Internet. The exploratory survey was focused on gathering ideas about the future of the Internet and public service media. The survey was qualitative in nature and focused on three themes: communication, digital media and the Internet in an ideal world; progressive reforms of public service media; public service media and the Internet in 2030. There were 141 responses. The survey results informed and structured the further work process that led to the Public Service Media and Public Service Internet Manifesto. The survey provides ample evidence for the importance of Public Service Media for the future of the democratic public sphere and shows that the Public Service Internet is the key issue for the future of Public Service Media. The survey inspired concrete utopian thinking among the respondents in order to generate new ideas about the future of the Internet.

Professional Culture: Let’s Talk Tackling of Inequity, Injustice, and Absent Talent

Progressive reforms and community kindness are encouraged; terminology common among DEI discussions is explored here.

RISK MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC FINANCE SYSTEM OF UKRAINE UNDER GLOBAL CHALLENGES

Purpose – to analyze the current state of risk management in Public Finance System of Ukraine and prefer recommendations for its improvement. Research methodology – the structural-functional method (for revealing the influence mechanism of public finance risks on main indicators of Public Finance System), the comparison method (for comparing the main indicators of Public Finance System between Ukraine and other countries). Findings – recommendations for reducing of public finance risks will provide the budget with reliable sources of in-comes, optimize the structure of government spending, and improve the budget process in order to create conditions for enhancing the quality and efficiency of budget decisions. Research limitations – some risks are only of a qualitative nature and cannot be measured to analyze the impact of risks on the main indicators of Public Finance System. Practical implications – improvement of a risk-oriented method in Public Finance System under global challenges is an effective method of developing the existing Public Finance Management in Ukraine. Originality/Value – risk management in Public Finance system under global challenges is a new stage of comprehen-sive relations which opens the way for further progressive reforms. A great importance is to use the experience of risk management measures gained by EU states, but also taking into account the peculiarities of socio-economic situation in Ukraine.

Pandemic and Progressivity

Based on a survey of about 2,500 US resident adults, we show that people who have experienced serious illness or job loss caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, or who personally know someone who has, favor a temporary progressive levy or structural progressive tax reform to a greater extent than others in the sample, controlling for income, demographic characteristics, and other factors. People who reveal preferences for spending items (more on police, military, border protection; less on education, health, environment) that are associated with communitarian (rather than universalist) moral perspectives generally show weaker support for progressive reforms, but more communitarians change their views as a result of personal experience. The results are consistent with previous findings that economic upheavals can mold individuals’ views on policy matters.

Human Capital in Azerbaijan: Building Competitive Workforce Capacity for Industry 4.0

Human capital is one of the country’s most significant economic metrics. Today, of course, the advancement of technology, the production of inventions, is a result of the human brain. It, in effect, naturally happens in countries with highly evolved human capital. This paper summarizes the arguments and counterarguments within the scientific discussion on the issue priorities of human capital development in Azerbaijan during the industrial revolution. The main purpose of the research is to identify and encourage the improvements in Industry 4.0 in Azerbaijan that would be essential for human capital, as well as to suggest a sustainable workplace outlook for current manufacturing businesses during the modern industrial revolution. The relevance of this scientific problem decision is that given the formation of new mechanisms of development on the eve of the 4th Industrial Revolution, these factors also have an impact on the development of human capital. Because the emergence of new professions during the 4th industrial revolution makes it necessary to form human capital in accordance with these professions. Investigation of the topic in the paper is carried out in the following logical sequence: introducton, literature review, research methodology, empirical findings and conclusions. We used some indicators expressed in the 2008-2017 Global Competitiveness Report of the Azerbaijan World Economic Forum to assess the findings. The object of research is the chosen country is Azerbaijan, because namely here, the development of human capital is one of the main goals of public policy. The paper presents the results of an empirical analysis regression, which showed that regression outcomes show that independent variables can explain 63.2 percent of the heterogeneity in higher education and training in Azerbaijan. Calculations of parameters indicate that any change of 1 percent in the independent variable will increase by 0.341 percent. The results of the study suggest that progressive reforms in Azerbaijan’s higher education and training have had a major effect. To meet the requirements of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, spending on human capital must be increased. The results of the research can be useful for in the direction of formation of competitive human capital and creation of modern innovation space in the coming years.

Support for Progressive Reforms: Evidence from California’s 1911 Referenda

An analysis of county-level election results in a 1911 California special election in which voters considered multiple state constitutional amendments—women’s suffrage, direct democracy, home rule, worker safety, and business regulation—finds that certain socially active Protestant denominations endorsed most of these reforms. Otherwise, support for these measures showed little group uniformity. Urban counties favored several reforms but opposed women’s suffrage. Support in counties with greater wealth, a larger proportion of immigrants, and several other religious denominations extended to certain reforms but not to others. Although many leaders and chroniclers typically claimed Progressivism to comprise a coherent movement, empirical study challenges this interpretation by showing varied patterns of electoral support for Progressive reforms and a notable divergence in support for women’s suffrage.

Gender Politics and the Struggle for Equality in Turkey

Examining gender ideologies and politics since the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, this chapter follows a loose chronological order and analyzes policies and practices that discriminate on the basis of gender, struggles against such discrimination, and major progressive reforms under four periods: (1) the early decades of the republic, 1923–1945; (2) the multiparty era and class politics, 1946–1980; (3) identity politics and the reform era, 1981–2001; and (4) the AKP era, since 2002. While the focus is on domestic politics and actors, by highlighting important external connections and influences, the review contextualizes gender politics in an international context. The chapter intends to show that gender politics in Turkey have been volatile; adopted by male politicians under pressure or to achieve other goals, progressive policies remained limited and were not fully implemented; women’s political organization and mobilization were critical for progressive change; and, the authoritarian turn of the AKP threatens the advancements made before 2010 and has already caused damaging reversals in some areas.

Reform or revolution? Mental health legislation and the development of community care

This chapter will explore the development of mental health legislation from the introduction of the 1983 MHA to the introduction of Community Treatment Orders (CTOs) in the reforms of 2007. The chapter ends with a brief discussion of the Wessely review of the MHA that was completed in 2018. Reform of mental health legislation reflects two potentially conflicting strands. One is the state’s power to incarcerate the “mad”, the other is the move to protect the civil rights of those who are subject to such legislation. The development of legislation reflects the broader pattern of community care as a policy. The initial optimism and progressive reforms of the early 1980s are overtaken by a more managerialist, pragmatic approach which focuses on risk and risk management

Elimi(Nation): Canada’s “Post-Settler” Embrace of Disposable Migrant Labour

This article utilizes the lens of disposability to explore recent conditions of low-wage temporary migrant labour, whose numbers and economic sectors have expanded in the 21stcentury. A central argument is that disposability is a discursive and material relation of power that creates and reproduces invidious distinctions between the value of “legitimate” Canadian settler-citizens (and candidates for citizenship) and the lack of worth of undesirable migrant populations working in Canada, often for protracted periods of time. The analytical lens of migrant disposability draws upon theorizing within Marxian, critical modernity studies, and decolonizing settler colonial frameworks. This article explores the technologies of disposability that lay waste to low wage workers in sites such as immigration law and provincial/territorial employment legislation, the workplace, transport, living conditions, access to health care and the practice of medical repatriation of injured and ill migrant workers. The mounting evidence that disposability is immanent within low-wage migrant labour schemes in Canada has implications for migrant social justice. The failure to protect migrant workers from a vast array of harms reflects the historical foundations of Canada’s contemporary migrant worker schemes in an “inherited background field [of settler colonialism] within which market, racist, patriarchal and state relations converge” (Coulthard, 2014, p. 14). Incremental liberal reform has made little headway insofar as the administration and in some cases reversal of more progressive reforms such as guaranteed pathways to citizenship prioritize employers’ labour interests and the lives and health of primarily white, middle class Canadian citizens at the expense of a shunned and racialized but growing population of migrants from the global South. Transformational change and social justice for migrant workers can only occur by reversing the disposability and hyper-commodification intrinsic to low-wage migrant programs and granting full permanent legal status to migrant workers.

Peaceful Revolutions?

This chapter offers some counterexamples that show how the most radical outcomes are hardly inevitable and can sometimes be avoided, though moderation itself may be unexpectedly destabilizing in the longer run. In the second half of the nineteenth century, for instance, Germany and Japan went through major changes that turned out to be genuinely revolutionary, but they were guided by socially conservative leaders who understood that progressive reforms were necessary to avoid more dangerous outcomes. The more obviously revolutionary upheavals in the Eastern European communist states in 1989 were even more dramatic examples because they were largely nonviolent and not led by conservatives. Entire economic and political regimes ended abruptly and were replaced by liberal, capitalist democracies. The same seemed to happen to the Soviet Union in 1991. There have also been societies able to accommodate truly revolutionary social, political, and economic changes without revolutions at all.