Aequabilitas in Cicero's Political Theory, and the Greek Tradition of Proportional Justice

1973 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine Fantham

This inquiry starts from two passages in book 1 of Cicero's de Re Publica, both concerned with the failings of democracy as a political form. The first occurs in Scipio Aemilianus' opening criticism of the three unmixed constitutions. The weakness of democracy is that (1. 43)cum omnia per populum geruntur quamvis iustum atque moderatum, tamen ipsa aequabilitas est iniqua, cum habet nullos gradus dignitatis:

Author(s):  
Jonathan Leader Maynard

AbstractThis paper makes the case for a revision of contemporary forms of political realism in political theory. I argue that contemporary realists have gone awry in increasingly centring their approach around a metaethical claim: that political theory should be rooted in a political form of normativity that is distinct from moral normativity. Several critics of realism have argued that this claim is unconvincing. But I suggest that it is also a counterintuitive starting point for realism, and one unnecessary to avoid the ‘applied morality’ approach to political theory that realists oppose. Instead, realism should be methodologically orientated around what I term ‘empirically constitutive political realities’ - enduring features of real political contexts that are systematically consequential in their normative implications. Realists can persuasively argue that such empirically constitutive political realities must be attended to in political theory-building, and not merely treated as a context in which independently formulated moral theories are simply applied. This framing of realism accords real politics a genuinely foundational theoretical role, but without requiring any contentious metaethical stance about a non-moral political normativity. I explain some methodological implications that follow for realism – in particular the need to prioritise empirically grounded theorisation of real political contexts over abstract and rather essentialist claims about ‘the political’. I also argue that such a framing of realism helps engender a more accurate, less divisive, and more pluralist conception of methodological debates within political theory.


2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 975-994 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANTONIO CERELLA

AbstractJürgen Habermas's post-secular account is rapidly attracting attention in many fields as a theoretical framework through which to reconsider the role of religion in contemporary societies. This work seeks to go beyond Habermas's conceptualisation by placing the post-secular discourse within a broader genealogy of the relationships between space, religion, and politics. Drawing on the work of Carl Schmitt, the aim of this article is to contrast the artificial separation between private and public, religious and secular, state and church, and the logic of inclusion/exclusion on which modernity was established. Revisiting this genealogy is also crucial to illustrating, in light of Schmitt's political theory, the problems underlying Habermas's proposal, emphasising its hidden homogenising and universalist logic in an attempt to offer an alternative reflection on the contribution of religious and cultural pluralism within Western democracies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-30
Author(s):  
Iwona Barwicka-Tylek

Abstract Referring to Fustel de Coulanges’ distinction of urbs and civitas, the article discusses political theory and practice in 16th-17th-century Poland. While in western Europe an important shift in the notion of politics took place, and the civitas aspect of cities deteriorated as they were conquered by new centralized nation-states, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth was an attempt to recreate the ancient and mediaeval concept of civitas – a community of free citizens, actively participating in the government – at the state level. As its proponents, such as Stanisław Sarnicki, argued, Poland was to become a city rather than a state, and so the theoretical justification, political practice, and eventual failure of this project is an interesting, though extreme, historical example of difficulties embedded in a more universal ‘quest for the political form that would permit the gathering of the energies of the city while escaping the fate of the city’ (Manent 2013: 5).


Author(s):  
Gregory Laski

Untimely Democracy tells the surprising story of how American authors and activists defined the path of racial progress after the abolition of slavery. Conventional narratives of democracy stretching from Thomas Jefferson’s America to the present day posit a purposeful break between past and present as the key to the viability of this political form—the only way to ensure its continual development. But for Pauline E. Hopkins, Frederick Douglass, Stephen Crane, W. E. B. Du Bois, Charles W. Chesnutt, Sutton E. Griggs, Callie House, and the other figures examined in this book, the campaign to secure liberty and equality for all citizens proceeds most potently when it refuses the precepts of progressive time. Placing these authors’ post–Civil War writings into dialogue with debates about racial optimism and pessimism, tracts on progress, and accounts of ex-slave pension activism, and extending their insights into our contemporary moment, the book recovers late nineteenth-century literature as a vibrant site for doing political theory. Untimely Democracy ultimately shows how one of the bleakest periods in American racial history provided fertile terrain for a radical reconstruction of some of the foundational elements of the nation’s political system. Offering resources for moments when the march of progress seems to slow, stutter, and even cease, the book invites readers to reconsider just what democracy can make possible.


2015 ◽  
pp. 146-170
Author(s):  
Leszek Koczanowicz

In this closing chapter, the concept of non-consensual democracy is discussed against the background of the notions of democracy endorsed in contemporary political theory. Two main strands in democratic theory are examined: that of consensus and that of disagreement. The role of disagreement is particularly stressed as this facet of democracy has been underestimated so far. The point is that disagreement does not necessarily have to lead to social chaos and, ultimately, to the hegemony of one group involved in struggle. The project of non-consensual democracy aims at overcoming this contradiction. Non-consensual democracy is a democracy in which disagreement is combined with better understanding among all the parties to a dispute. For non-consensual democracy to be possible, certain conditions must be met. First, it demands an ethical commitment to dialogue. Second, it requires solidarity as a regulative principle. Third, the system of democratic institutions has to be organized to facilitate social understanding.


2020 ◽  
pp. 096701062094508
Author(s):  
Simone Tulumello

This article aims to contribute toward transcending the dichotomy between deconstruction and reconstruction in critical security studies. In the first part, I review dominant (Western/liberal) logics of security and the main strands of critical security studies to argue that there is a need to overcome the liberal framework of the balance between rights and freedom, with its inherent imbrication with the fantasy of absolute security; and, contra the ultimate conclusions of deconstructive critique, at the same time to take the desire for security seriously. By advocating in favor of embracing the tensions that surface at the intersection of these two conclusions, I then move to my reconstructive endeavor. I set out a meta-theory – that of agonistic security – that is both analytical and normative in nature and inspired by the political theory developed by Mouffe and Laclau. Building on the opposition between antagonism and agonism, I argue that security belongs to the ‘political’ and that it constitutes a field of struggle for politicization. I then argue for three conceptual shifts that concretely define agonistic security: (i) from an absolute/static to a relational/dynamic understanding of security; (ii) from universalism to pluralism at a world scale; and (iii) from the dominance of individual rights in Western/liberal thinking toward an understanding of security as a collective endeavor. In conclusion, I take a step back and discuss the implications of agonistic security for the role of critique in security studies.


Author(s):  
L.E. Murr ◽  
V. Annamalai

Georgius Agricola in 1556 in his classical book, “De Re Metallica”, mentioned a strange water drawn from a mine shaft near Schmölnitz in Hungary that eroded iron and turned it into copper. This precipitation (or cementation) of copper on iron was employed as a commercial technique for producing copper at the Rio Tinto Mines in Spain in the 16th Century, and it continues today to account for as much as 15 percent of the copper produced by several U.S. copper companies.In addition to the Cu/Fe system, many other similar heterogeneous, electrochemical reactions can occur where ions from solution are reduced to metal on a more electropositive metal surface. In the case of copper precipitation from solution, aluminum is also an interesting system because of economic, environmental (ecological) and energy considerations. In studies of copper cementation on aluminum as an alternative to the historical Cu/Fe system, it was noticed that the two systems (Cu/Fe and Cu/Al) were kinetically very different, and that this difference was due in large part to differences in the structure of the residual, cement-copper deposit.


1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (02) ◽  
pp. 399-402
Author(s):  
Harold F. Gosnell
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