What the Haitian Revolution Might Tell Us about Development, Security, and the Politics of Race

2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 778-808 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Shilliam
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
World Order ◽  
Haitian Revolution ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Third World Development ◽  
Politics Of Race ◽  
The Haitian Revolution ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
First World

There was a time when Western political science was somewhat sensitized to the historical perspective from which “exploited men” might view the making of modern world order. During the Cold War, and with the rise of the Non-Aligned Movement especially, debates in the Western Academy made regular reference to what might be called the “development/security nexus.” Many political scientists claimed that the peculiarities of “Third World” development could engender security threats for the “First World.” But it was further acknowledged that Third World politicians (especially at the Bandung Conference in 1955) could see their post-colonial development threatened by a West that, still exhibiting racial hierarchies domestically, might wish to retain these hierarchies internationally.2

Universalism After the Post-colonial Turn

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 821-845 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adom Getachew
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Haitian Revolution ◽  
Alternative Interpretation ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Alternative Approach ◽  
The Haitian Revolution

This essay explores the possibilities and limits of decentering Europe by examining the Haitian Revolution and contemporary invocations of its legacy among political theorists and historians. Recent accounts of the Haitian Revolution have celebrated its universalism as a realization of French revolutionary ideals. As I argue in the essay, this interpretation undermines the Haitian Revolution’s specificity as the first and only successful revolution against colonial slavery. I offer an alternative interpretation that begins from the specificity of colonial slavery and explores how Haitian revolutionaries inaugurated another universalism linked to individual and collective autonomy. Haitian revolutionaries offered a radical account of black citizenship and envisioned a world order in which both slavery and colonial rule would be transcended. This reinterpretation of the Haitian Revolution offers an alternative approach to what it might mean to decenter Europe—one that begins from the specific political problems subaltern actors encountered and illustrates how ideals are remade in diverse contexts.

scholarly journals Race and Revolution at Bwa Kayiman

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robbie Shilliam
Keyword(s):  
Global Justice ◽  
World Order ◽  
Haitian Revolution ◽  
Natural Rights ◽  
Modern World ◽  
North Americans ◽  
The Haitian Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

It is no longer remarkable to claim that, out of all the revolutions in the making of the modern world order, the Haitian Revolution was the most radical and remains the most challenging to Euro-Western narratives. The Haitian Revolution did what no other did – end slavery – in an age when white Europeans and North Americans spoke of natural rights and freedoms while they remained traffickers and brutal exploiters of African flesh. The stakes at play are significant: To theorise and narrate the Haitian Revolution is to necessarily take part in a struggle over the authorship of the meaning of global justice and modern freedoms. But as we deepen our understandings of the Revolution we must grapple more audaciously with the intellectual strictures that have in various ways ‘silenced’ these struggles of enslaved Africans. Race informs these silencings. Fundamentally, race silences the response to slavery. In this article, I return to Bwa Kayiman – the meeting that inaugurated a world-shaking response.

scholarly journals First World and third World after the Cold War

CEPAL Review ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 1999 (67) ◽  
pp. 7-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Hobsbawm
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Third World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
First World

scholarly journals The Cold War and Third World revolution

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-57
Author(s):  
Robert P. Hager
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Third World ◽  
World Order ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War

Much of the Cold War took place in the Third World. The three works authored by Gregg A. Brazinsky, Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry During the Cold War; Jeffry James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order; and Jeremy Friedman, Shadow Cold War: The Sino-Soviet Competition for the Third World, are reviewed here and they provide historical details. A consistent theme that emerges is the importance of ideological factors in driving the events are discussed. It is also clear that the Third World states were not passive objects of pressure from great powers but had agendas of their own. These books provide useful material for theorists of international relations and policy makers.

Iran's Karaj Dam Affair: Emerging Mass Consumerism, the Politics of Promise, and the Cold War in the Third World

2012 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 612-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cyrus Schayegh
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Social History ◽  
Third World ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Third World Development ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
World Development ◽  
The U.S

AbstractThis paper examines two intertwined processes that shaped post-war Tehran. One was a ravenous demand for electricity, part of a surge in popular expectations for consumer goods and higher standards of living. The other was the construction of the Karaj Dam to meet that demand. Consumerist expectations, especially among Tehran's bourgeoning middle classes, developed together with a West-centered but ultimately global maturation of mass consumer culture, with the cultural Cold War, and with the shaky post-1953 regime's politics of promising higher living standards. The Karaj Dam became possible when that regime frightened its patron—the U.S. administration that dreaded Soviet influence—into helping pay for the project despite reservations in the U.S. Congress and among technical specialists. The dam was not simply a top-down state (or U.S.) project—it was also caused by and in that sense belonged to Tehranis. I draw on archival and published primary sources, images, and secondary literature to tell a story of society-state and domestic-global interactions that characterized many Third World countries. This paper builds on past studies of relationships between the Cold War and Third World development, and of the transnational history of development/modernization. But it transcends their focus on elites, and that of other scholars’ on subaltern victims, and argues that analyses of Third World development and the Cold War must include the middle classes and, conceptually, social history.

scholarly journals NEGOSIASI BUDAYA DAN DIALEKTIKA KEKUASAAN DALAM DISKURSUS (POS)KOLONIAL: DISKUSI TENTANG A BACKWARD PLACE KARYA R. P. JHABVALA (Cultural Negotiation and Power Dialectics in (Post)Colonial Discourse: A Discussion on R. P. Jhabvala’s A Backward Place)

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Fitria Mayasari
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Power Relation ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Colonial Discourse ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The Third ◽  
Cultural Negotiation ◽  
The Third World ◽  
First World ◽  
World Image

Penyajian sejumlah teks sastra poskolonial berusaha mengubah citra dunia ketiga dalam dikotomi kaku dunia pertama/dunia ketiga, namun malah menunjukkan apa yang disebut Bhabha colonial mimicry di mana permasalahan ‘nativism’ justru mengasingkan isu identitas (origin) dan membentuk situs kekuasaan baru (Gandhi, 1998). Karya-karya Ruth Prawer Jhabvala, khususnya novel A Backward Place, mengindikasikan gejala tersebut. Esai ini membahas negosiasi budaya dan dialektika kekuasaan yang mengaburkan batasan-batasan biner kerangka pemikiran kolonial. Pendekatan yang  digunakan dalam analisis adalah pendekatan poskolonial. Analisis dalam esai ini berfokus pada persilangan kedua ideologi yang bertentangan pada ranah publik dan pada ranah domestik. Esai terlebih dahulu memetakan relasi kuasa di antara pribumi dan ekspatriat dalam narasi. Selanjutnya, negosiasi budaya dan dialektika kekuasaan dibahas berdasarkan pemetaan tersebut. Persilangan dua ideologi yang bertentangan dalam pemetaan kekuasaan yang sudah dianalisis menghasilkan narasi yang ambivalen.Abstract:  Many of postcolonial texts attempts to change the third world image within the rigid dichotomy first world/third world. However, their presentation ended up being what Bhabha called colonial mimicry in which the problem of ‘nativism’ alienates orginal identity and creates a new power site (Gandhi, 1998). Ruth Prawer Jhabvala’s works, specifically the novel A Backward Place, indicate the exact symptoms. This essay discusses cultural negotiation that blur boundaries between colonial dichotomy using postcolonial approach. Analysis focuses on the crossings of two contradicting ideologies both in public and domestic spheres.  First, power relation between the natives and expatriats in the narrative is mapped. Second, cultural negotiation and power dialectics is discussed based on that power relation mapping. The crossings of two conflicting ideologies is making the narrative ambivalent.

scholarly journals Agreements and Dispute Settlement in China–Africa Economic Ties

2019 ◽  
pp. 216-238
Author(s):  
Won L. Kidane
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
World Order ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Hierarchical Relationship ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
History Of ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
Economic Ties

Unencumbered by a history of an intrinsically hierarchical relationship, contemporary China–Africa economic ties appear to have the benefit of being on balance politically horizontal, economically reciprocal, and systemically transactional. A corpus of credible evidence now demonstrates that overall the economic ties of the last couple of decades in the areas of trade, investment, and other types of commercial relations have been remarkably successful. The trajectories also appear optimistic. Beginning from ancient times, political boundaries notwithstanding, commercial relations have always been ordered by law. The existing post-colonial modern world order is, however, largely formalistic and moderately harmonized. It expects formal rules and institutions for the ordering of economic affairs of the scale and complexity represented by China’s contemporary relations with Africa. This chapter identifies and critically appraises China–Africa’s use of agreements to order their economic relations, and the mechanisms of dispute settlement that these agreements envision.

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