scholarly journals Agreements and Dispute Settlement in China–Africa Economic Ties

Author(s):  
Won L. Kidane

Unencumbered by a history of an intrinsically hierarchical relationship, contemporary China–Africa economic ties appear to have the benefit of being on balance politically horizontal, economically reciprocal, and systemically transactional. A corpus of credible evidence now demonstrates that overall the economic ties of the last couple of decades in the areas of trade, investment, and other types of commercial relations have been remarkably successful. The trajectories also appear optimistic. Beginning from ancient times, political boundaries notwithstanding, commercial relations have always been ordered by law. The existing post-colonial modern world order is, however, largely formalistic and moderately harmonized. It expects formal rules and institutions for the ordering of economic affairs of the scale and complexity represented by China’s contemporary relations with Africa. This chapter identifies and critically appraises China–Africa’s use of agreements to order their economic relations, and the mechanisms of dispute settlement that these agreements envision.

Author(s):  
Evgenii V. Palamarenko ◽  

The lack of Russian-language research on the features of the economic development of Israel as an OECD member state underlines the urgent need to identify new trends in the Israeli economy. Not taking into account the existing variety of humanitarian studies, and especially the concentration of studies on the political history of Israel and its modern component, we can recognize a clear lack of work that would cover Israeli economy. Current trends in Israeli trade relations, which have begun to make the mselves clear, require both consideration of effective trade and economic interaction between Israel and Palestine, and identification of the peculiarities of hidden regional trade and economic ties. Israel and Palestine are in close cooperation on the exchange of labor and goods, despite the lack of a political settlement. For Palestine, Israel is a major trading partner, and Palestine plays a key security role for Israel. The second important aspect in covering new trends in the Israeli economy may be the need to study the nascent format of cooperation between Israel and the Middle East. The article explores the specifics of economic relations between Israel and the countries of the Middle East, reveals the growing role of economic relations between Israel and the countries of the region.


Volume Nine of this series traces the development of the ‘world novel’, that is, English-language novels written throughout the world, beyond Britain, Ireland, and the United States. Focusing on the period up to 1950, the volume contains survey chapters and chapters on major writers, as well as chapters on book history, publishing, and the critical contexts of the work discussed. The text covers periods from renaissance literary imaginings of exotic parts of the world like Oceania, through fiction embodying the ideology and conventions of empire, to the emergence of settler nationalist and Indigenous movements and, finally, the assimilations of modernism at the beginnings of the post-imperial world order. The book, then, contains chapters on the development of the non-metropolitan novel throughout the British world from the eighteenth to the mid twentieth centuries. This is the period of empire and resistance to empire, of settler confidence giving way to doubt, and of the rise of indigenous and post-colonial nationalisms that would shape the world after World War II.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (11) ◽  
pp. 705-709
Author(s):  
Bhagyadhar Sethy ◽  

Russia and India have a long history of cooperation in the energy sector. The prospects for the development of the energy dialogue are as promising now as they were during the period of friendship between the Soviet Union and India. Since the late 2000s, the Russia–India energy partnership has been enjoying a renaissance. So why is now the time for Russia to think seriously about giving a new impetus to the energy dialogue with India? India is the worlds third largest energy consumer and a major energy importer with steadily growing demand. Russia is a key global producer and exporter of petroleum and natural gas. The two countries needs naturally complement each other. The current energy bilateral cooperation, already strong, can significantly extend to new sources such as Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). Building on these can be an industry in natural gas vehicles and renewable energy, enabling economic instruments, such as energy benchmarks, and a policy framework, including labour mobility, to develop a skills corridor in energy. This paper examines the current state of Energy and economic relations between India and Russia. It flags the major issues that hinder development of economic ties between the two countries and discusses future prospects for growth. India and Russia have a long-standing relationship and securing an economic and energy partnership is important from both the diplomatic and geopolitical perspectives. Russia has a vital role in ensuring Indias energy security in the coming decade. India imports oil, mostly from the volatile region of the Middle East. However, to sustain current high rates of growth, India needs to secure and diversify its energy sources. How Russia is an obvious choice in this respect?


Author(s):  
K. Belousova

In the modern world, energetic base materials, and especially petroleum connections, with their hubs, streams and directions, are much closer than economic ties. The history of relationship between oil-producing countries and the leading powers of the West became especially vivid during the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973. The attempts of "petroleum weapon" employment in 1967, under the weight of radical Arab regimes and local population against the U.S. and West-European countries (Israel's allies), failed owing to a two-faced position of Saudi Arabia and other oil-producing Arab countries. During the Arab-Israeli war of 1973, the "petroleum weapon" had more serious consequences for the West. For once the Arabs were acting more in concert. Oil-importing countries realized their economic exposure. For the first time the Arab countries started to determine their oil output level and control its price assessment. In this way, the war of 1973 and its consequences created the new phenomenon: the oil prices dynamics came to be integrated with politics in the Middle East.


Author(s):  
Sergey Vladimirovich Shishmonin

In a rapidly changing and unstable situation on the world stage, private military companies are present and developing very effectively in the military sphere. Relation to private military companies is a relatively new actors in the military sphere, is not clear. The history of formation and development of these organizations is short, but very bright. Mercenarism and prototypes of private military companies were known in ancient times. We show the evolution of private military companies from mercenaries to modern companies. In the modern sense of the term private military companies began to be actively created only in the middle of the 20th century. European states, in particular, the United States, played an active role in these processes. This state also went down in history as the first legally regulate the activities of military companies. In just over half a century, private military companies have been involved in many military conflicts and have proven to be a highly mobile and versatile tool for addressing geopolitical and state tasks. Since the early of 21th century, international private corporations and enterprises have become interested in the services of these organizations. The private-military segment of the market is developing very actively and steadily in the conditions of the modern world situation.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 778-808 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Shilliam

There was a time when Western political science was somewhat sensitized to the historical perspective from which “exploited men” might view the making of modern world order. During the Cold War, and with the rise of the Non-Aligned Movement especially, debates in the Western Academy made regular reference to what might be called the “development/security nexus.” Many political scientists claimed that the peculiarities of “Third World” development could engender security threats for the “First World.” But it was further acknowledged that Third World politicians (especially at the Bandung Conference in 1955) could see their post-colonial development threatened by a West that, still exhibiting racial hierarchies domestically, might wish to retain these hierarchies internationally.2


Author(s):  
Goroshko Maryna

This paper attempts to explore China’s economic interest in Ukraine, a country which is in an advantageous geographic location with relation to China. Considering its position in the global map, Ukraine has the potential to become a transit hub for China. This has huge economic repercussions in Ukraine since China is the second most important EU trading partner after USA. Ukraine can thus take advantage of being a unique transit hub for China in the Silk Road. Instrumental background to Ukraine economic relations with China In spite of having a huge market potential, Ukraine did not share an optimistic trade relation with China. The country’s unstable political environment along with having investment risks induces China to maintain a cautious approach toward Ukraine. However, due to a positive political relationship between the two countries, Ukraine can play in favour of China’s strategy to strengthen the Silk Road Economic Belt. Although this facilitates China’s trading relationship with Russia and the EU, the current crisis in Ukraine has become a concern for China since it does not want to play the role of diplomatic intermediary in Ukraine crisis. China chooses its strategic partners usually based on a couple of factors. The country has to be China’s neighboring country as it can then become a close economic ally, and also the chosen country has to be large in size as China can use it to develop strategic partnership to fulfill its economic goals. However, Ukraine does not fall under any of the categories and so it fulfills a third category which is also another category that is considered by China. Ukraine shows a great potential for economic development, which is important for China as it needs to establish strong economic ties with the country in order to get benefitted in other areas. Moreover, China is also able to encase the history of friendly relationship that it shares with Ukraine, and also Ukraine’s strong geographical position enables China to engage in regional cooperation. Finally, China looks for opportunities of cooperation as this can enhance the strategic relationship between two countries and Ukraine serves such opportunities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 208 ◽  
pp. 03039
Author(s):  
Valery Smirnov ◽  
Vladislav Semenov ◽  
Anna Zakharova ◽  
Anzhelika Abramova ◽  
Elena Perfilova

The article analyzes the current state of the Russian economy in the context of globalization. The research reveals the dominant role of capitalist countries in the process of globalization. The role of developing countries is related to ensuring a balanced world economy. Globalization causes changes in world economic relations. Russia has taken an active position not only among developing but also developed countries. The article reveals that in the context of the US trade war with China and increased protectionism, developing countries have assumed the risks of losing capital and falling into a deeper and longer recession. Russia’s position in economic globalization is linked to the place of BRICS in modern world order. Modern world order requires Russia to initiate the creation of new geopolitical communities, in addition to BRICS. To maintain Russia’s stable position in the world economy, modern objective reality requires not only its participation in various geopolitical communities,but also their initiation.


Author(s):  
A. V. Kuznetsov

The paper traces the evolution of conceptual approaches to South-South economic cooperation. It is shown that with the collapse of the bipolar system and the rise of globalization the interest in South-South cooperation have risen again, and compared to the 1950–1970-ies focuses more on economic relations of developing countries. At the same time, the article shows that the deepening differentiation of the countries of the global South allows us to consider the South-South dialogue as ambiguous process. According to the author, this is a set of relations of very different level of interaction between developing countries, which are part of a more fundamental process of transformation of the existing “Westcentric” world order. The paper identifies four such levels, characterized by very different opportunities for participating in economic ties between developing countries: relations of major countries of the South with each other (especially in BRICS and IBSA groups); the interaction of the largest countries with other developing countries (most known for the cooperation in the framework of “One belt, one road” Chinese initiative); intensive contacts of countries of the global South due to the objectively existing neighborhood effect (the most famous integration groupings are ASEAN in Southeast Asia and MERCOSUR in Latin America); and cross-border ties of small developing countries geographically distant from each other. The paper concludes that South-South cooperation cannot be a full-fledged alternative to other global economic ties. Indeed, countries of the global North dominate in many areas and more often still offer mutually beneficial cooperation to developing countries, so that isolation from the global North is akin to autarky. South-South cooperation should be viewed primarily as a way to develop additional forms of interaction different from that dominant in the contemporary world, prescribed mainly taking into account the views of several leading economic powers. Thus, it is correct to speak of South- non-West cooperation, referring to rather developed countries that are not able to build relations with the US and key EU countries (e.g. Russia). 


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 223-231
Author(s):  
Maria Balashova ◽  
Anastasiia Trufanova ◽  
Matvey Troshkin

As is well known, the global economy is a flexible system of relationships between its key actors, and it is directly subject to the constant impact of both internal and external factors. Among the latter are the processes of globalization, integration, liberalization, transnationalization and others. They fundamentally change the rules of organization and conduct of international economic relations. Those countries that were able to duly assess the scale of imminent changes and flexibly respond to them by adjusting national macroeconomic policies were able to take leading positions in the structure of the modern world order. A striking example of such a state is China, which, despite its catching-up type of development, has reached the level of developed countries in a number of indicators and has become one of the significant poles in the structure of the modern world order. The study conducted by the authors of the article showed that the PRC managed to achieve such a result due to the competent reforms initiated in the 1970s by Deng Xiaoping and still ongoing taking into account best world practices. The country’s leadership’s choice of the IT sector as a flagship for further progressive development of the country’s economy has already brought China significant benefits of a strategic nature.


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