II. The ‘London Evening Post’, 1727–1744: A Study in the Development of the Political Press

1963 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. A. Cranfield
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Political ◽  
Post Office ◽  
Fundamental Fact ◽  
Early Eighteenth Century ◽  
Foreign News

One of the most significant of the anti-ministerial newspapers of the early eighteenth century was the London Evening Post. Its importance has been overshadowed by such great newspapers as the Craftsman, which has come to be regarded as the main propaganda weapon of the Opposition to Walpole. But it seems probable that the London Evening Post reached a wider public, and that its influence was more sustained and more immediately effective. The Craftsman was published only once a week, and devoted the greater part of its space to its political essay. These essays were undoubtedly immensely influential, and in times of unusual excitement the paper' circulation could reach quite remarkable figures. But the regular circulation of such a paper was bound to be limited. Outside the capital, London newspapers were not cheap: and few readers would be so politically minded as to be prepared to subscribe regularly to a purely political paper. Most country readers wanted news as well as views: and perhaps no eighteenth-century paper set out to satisfy both demands more effectively than did the London Evening Post. Its reputation was increasingly to be based upon its political content: but its various printers never lost sight of the fundamental fact that their product was first and foremost a newspaper, and even in the most hectic political campaigns the news always received priority. On the political side, instead of relying, as did most political papers of this period, upon lengthy and often tedious essays, the Post preferred to make its point by brief but exceedingly pungent comment upon the news and by the savagely humorous verses for which it was to become notorious. In this way, it made politics both interesting and amusing. The result was that the Post very rapidly became established as one of the main sources of London and foreign news throughout the countryside. By the 1740', there were few country papers indeed which did not draw heavily upon the Post: and these papers reproduced not only the Post's news items but also its politics. In fact, its political influence became so pronounced that on two occasions, in 1733 and 1754, the Whig ministry paid it the supreme compliment of endeavouring to prevent its transmission through the Post Office.

The Russia Company in the Eighteenth Century

2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wagner
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
East India Company ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Government ◽  
Baltic Region ◽  
Success Stories

Although there has been a revival of historiographical interest in eighteenth-century British trading companies, the Russia Company continues to be misunderstood and unappreciated. Far from being a relic of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Russia Company was one of the outstanding success stories of eighteenth-century British commerce. By the middle of the century, the imports of the Russia Company into Britain rivalled those of the East India Company. Furthermore, the Russia Company worked closely with the British government to further Britain’s strategic interests in the volatile Baltic region. Part of the reason for the lack of appreciation of the eighteenth-century Russia Company is that the organization of the company and the political influence of its key managers are not well understood. This article describes the organization of the Russia Company, discusses its overall economic and political significance in the eighteenth century, and illuminates its operations using the experience of some leading company members.

Communication: The Political Patronage of Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales

1958 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. N. Newman
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Considerable Degree ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Future ◽  
Political Patronage ◽  
Early Eighteenth Century ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Concrete Reality ◽  
The Way

An association between the prince of Wales and various opposition leaders is a recurrent feature of eighteenth-century politics. A politically active prince found little difficulty in securing a following among the politicians of the day; the glittering prospects of the ‘reversionary’ interest1 were an obvious lure, and an obvious basis for such a connexion. But this is not a complete explanation. The prince had also a considerable degree of patronage at his disposal, and could add a more immediate and concrete reality to promises for the future. A study of this patronage, its extent and its disposal, and more particularly the way in which it was exercised by Frederick, ‘Poor Fred’, throws much light on the connexion between the prince and his political friends, and contributes to an understanding of the place of Leicester House in the politics of the early eighteenth century.

scholarly journals Avenues of influence: on the political expenditures of corporations and their directors and executives

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 367-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Bonica
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
Fortune 500 ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Corporate Elites ◽  
Substantial Heterogeneity

The literature on corporate political influence has primarily focused on expenditures made by corporations and their PACs but has largely ignored the political activities of the individuals who lead these firms. To better understand the role of corporate elites in political advocacy, I introduce a new database of campaign contributions made by corporate directors and executives of Fortune 500 firms. Donating to political campaigns is nearly universal among corporate elites. When compared to corporate PACs, corporate elites are more ideological, more willing to support non-incumbents, and less likely to target powerful legislators. The results also reveal substantial heterogeneity in the political preferences of directors both across and within firms. In addition to challenging widely held beliefs about the political leanings of corporate elites, the prevalence of bipartisan boardrooms has important implications for how the preferences of key decision-makers within a firm shape its political activities.

Corporate Stakeholders

2021 ◽  
pp. 55-68
Author(s):  
John N. Drobak
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Political ◽  
Shareholder Primacy ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Milton Friedman ◽  
Business Lobbying ◽  
Shareholder Interest ◽  
Business Influence ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Chapter 5 echoes the growing sentiment that corporations need to take into account other interests besides that of their shareholders. It traces the origins of the idea that corporations exist solely to increase the wealth of their shareholders and explains how this belief in shareholder primacy came to be accepted as a truism by many scholars, judges, and commentators. When Milton Friedman originally popularized this idea in 1962, he wrote that corporations should serve shareholder interest “within the rules of the game.” These days the rules of the game are influenced tremendously by business lobbying. The chapter explains how the political influence of labor waned and was replaced by business influence in the 1970s. Since that time, Congress has done very little to protect labor because business interests have become extremely powerful lobbyists and substantial donors to political campaigns.

scholarly journals اردو شاعری میں ایہام گوئی

2017 ◽  
pp. 83-88
Author(s):  
Mr. Nadeem Hasan
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Research Paper ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literary Movement ◽  
Urdu Literature ◽  
History Of ◽  
Early Eighteenth Century ◽  
Shed Light

The word Eham means to use words in poetry bearing dual meanings. The first meaning is more common and apprehensible, while the second specific and inapprehensible. The poet uses the word with its inapprehensible meaning. In the history of Urdu literature, Eham Goi became a literary movement in the early eighteenth century due to the political circumstances of that era. In this research paper, the scholar has shed light on the art of Eham and the poets who used Eham in their poetry.

How Reliable is U Kala's Burmese Chronicle? Some New Comparisons

1986 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Lieberman
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indian History ◽  
Prose Style ◽  
Single Author ◽  
Early Eighteenth Century

Rarely has a national historiographic tradition depended so heavily on a single author as the Burmese tradition has on U Kala. A native of Ava in Upper Burma, U Kala completed the so-called “Great Chronicle”, the Maha-ya-zawin-gyi, in the early eighteenth century. Beginning, logically enough, with the start of the current world cycle and the Buddhist version of ancient Indian history, this chronicle proceeded with ever increasing detail to narrate the political story of the Irrawaddy basin from quasi-legendary dynasties to events witnessed by the author himself in 1711. Before U Kala, the only Burmese histories of which we have record were biographies and comparatively brief local chronicles. Some twenty years after U Kala finished his work, many of the original sources on which he relied were destroyed by a fire at Ava. This loss combined with U Kala's admirable prose style to establish his encyclopaedic work as a model in the eyes of all subsequent historians. The pre-1712 portions of later national Burmese chronicles — including the Ya-zawin-thit (New Chronicle), the Maha-ya-zawin-gyaw (Great Celebrated Chronicle), and the famous Hman-nan maha-ya-zawin-daw-gyi (Glass Palace Chronicle) — are more or less verbatim reproductions of U Kala's history, with some interpolations of quasi-legendary material and with limited digressions on points of scholarly dispute. In essence, therefore, we have but one chronicle prior to 1712. Not surprisingly, U Kala's Maha-ya-zawin-gyi has provided the basis for virtually every survey of pre-colonial Burmese political history.

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