scholarly journals The Dublin Society of United Irishmen and the politics of the Carey–Drennan dispute, 1792–1794

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Durey
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Class Rank ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Ideological Tensions ◽  
United Irishmen

ABSTRACTThis article is concerned with political divisions within the Dublin Society of United Irishmen in a period, 1792–1794, which historians, accepting the contemporary argument of its leaders, have generally agreed demonstrated the society's unity of purpose. It is argued that ideological tensions existed between the middle-class leadership and the middling-class rank and file which reflected the existence of two different conceptions of radicalism, one ‘Jacobin’ and one ‘sans-culotte’. These tensions are brought to light through an examination of the dispute between William Paulet Carey and William Drennan, which culminated in the latter's trial in 1794, and the career of the former until he exiled himself from Ireland after the ijg8 rebellion. It is further argued that, because these ideological differences have been ignored, historians have wrongly assumed that Carey was a political turncoat. In reality, he remained true to the sans-culotte principles of direct democracy and rotation of office, even after his ostracism. Carey's deep suspicion of the motivation of the United Irish leaders came to be accepted by Drennan in retrospect.

The transformation of the Society of United Irishmen into a mass-based revolutionary organisation, 1794-6

1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (96) ◽  
pp. 463-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy J. Curtin
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Parliamentary Reform ◽  
Near Extinction ◽  
United Irishmen

The Society of United Irishmen, formed in the autumn of 1791 as a middle-class club dedicated to achieving parliamentary reform and catholic emancipation, was eventually transformed into a mass-based, secret revolutionary organisation determined to establish a non-sectarian republic in Ireland. Approaching near extinction in 1794, the United Irishmen recovered within the next two years to become a formidable revolutionary threat. With amazing rapidity the United Irishmen managed to harness a politically-discontented middle class, radical artisans and tradesmen, economically and socially vexed peasants, amfa loose association of catholic agrarian rebels commonly known as Defenders into a more or less coherent force. The swiftness with which this” alliance was formed, burdened as it was with tensions along class and sectarian lines, was matched only by the quickness with which it collapsed under the strain of internal dissension and vigorous government repression.

scholarly journals The liberal contest for double-entry bookkeeping in British Government

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 739-766 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Mann ◽  
Warwick Funnell ◽  
Robert Jupe
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
National Archive ◽  
British Government ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Double Entry ◽  
Maritime Museum

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to contest Edwards et al.’s (2002) findings that resistance to the introduction of double-entry bookkeeping and the form that it took when implemented by the British Government in the mid-nineteenth century was the result of ideological conflict between the privileged landed aristocracy and the rising merchant middle class. Design/methodology/approach – The study draws upon a collection of documents preserved as part of the Grigg Family Papers located in London and the Thomson Papers held in the Mitchell Library in Sydney. It also draws on evidence contained within the British National Archive, the National Maritime Museum and British Parliamentary Papers which has been overlooked by previous studies of the introduction of DEB. Findings – Conflict and delays in the adoption of double-entry bookkeeping were not primarily the product of “ideological” differences between the influential classes. Instead, this study finds that conflict was the result of a complex amalgam of class interests, ideology, personal antipathy, professional intolerance and ambition. Newly discovered evidence recognises the critical, largely forgotten, work of John Deas Thomson in developing a double-entry bookkeeping system for the Royal Navy and the importance of Sir James Graham’s determination that matters of economy would be emphasised in the Navy’s accounting. Originality/value – This study establishes that crucial to the ultimate implementation of double-entry bookkeeping was the passionate, determined support of influential champions with strong liberal beliefs, most especially John Deas Thomson and Sir James Graham. Prominence was given to economy in government.

Disgusted Subjects: The Making of Middle-Class Identities

2005 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-446 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Lawler
Keyword(s):  
Social Identity ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Pierre Bourdieu ◽  
Social Hierarchy ◽  
Everyday Practice ◽  
Class Rank ◽  
Class Project ◽  
White Working Class ◽  
Class Divisions

Although the classed dimensions of ‘taste’ have, following Bourdieu, been widely discussed, expressions of disgust at perceived violations of taste have been less frequently considered in relation to class. This paper considers various expressions of disgust at white working-class existence and explores what they might tell us about middle-class identities and identifications. I argue that the narratives of decline and of lack present in such representations can be seen in terms of a long-standing middle-class project of distinguishing itself. Drawing on Bourdieu's critique of Kantian aesthetics, I argue that the ownership of ‘taste’ is understood as reflecting true humanity, and as conferring uniqueness. Ironically, however, this uniqueness is only achieved through an incorporation of collective, classed understandings. The paper calls for a problematization of a normative and normalized middle-class location that is, I argue, given added legitimacy by a perceived decline in the significance of class itself. [A]n account of class, rank or social hierarchy must be thin indeed unless accompanied by an account of the passions and sentiments that sustain it (William Miller, The Anatomy of Disgust, p. 245). Social identity lies in difference, and difference is asserted against what is closest, which represents the greatest threat (Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction, p. 479). What we read as objective class divisions are produced and maintained by the middle class in the minutiae of everyday practice, as judgements of culture are put into effect (Beverley Skeggs, Class, Self, Culture, p. 118).

Amin and Obote, 1965–69

Idi Amin ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 125-162
Author(s):  
Mark Leopold
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Management Skills ◽  
The North ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Radical Left

This chapter details how, from 1965, for the rest of the decade, Idi Amin's career depended largely on one factor, his relationship with Milton Obote. As the army became more of a Ugandan national force and less an arm of colonial control, the largely uneducated Kakwa officer had to learn quickly that his job was now a much more complex and very political one. To survive and thrive in the fast-changing post-independence world, he had to use all the manipulative management skills he had learned in the King's African Rifles (KAR), while also developing new abilities to adapt to developments. Ugandan politics in this era was extremely complex. Broadly speaking, political divisions ran through a range of different factors. Those of particular importance included: (1) ethnicity, especially the north–south divide; (2) class-based distinctions, particularly a struggle between the old tribal aristocracies built around the southern monarchies, and a new rising middle class; and (3) religious divides. There were also more shifting, but real, ideological differences — with left- and right-wing views aligning only roughly with class position, and an increasing divide between a centrist social democracy and a more radical left, which mapped onto the wider international background of the Cold War.

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