National Socialism, the Nazi Regime and German Society

1992 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 487-499
Author(s):  
S. J. Salter
Lex Russica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 146-158
Author(s):  
A. P. Grakhotskiy

In the first post-war decades in Germany the problem of crimes of the Nazi regime was hushed up. Information about the flagrant crimes of the Nazis in the concentration camps was perceived by the Germans as “propaganda of the winners”. The Frankfurt process of 1963-1965 was an event that contributed to the understanding of the criminal past of its country by the German society. Before the court in Frankfurt there appeared 22 Nazi war criminals who were accused of murder and complicity in the killing of prisoners of concentration camps and death camps of Auschwitz. During the trial, horrific facts of mass destruction of people and unprecedented cases of humiliation of human dignity were revealed. The position of the prosecution was that the defendants voluntarily served in Auschwitz, realizing that the main purpose of the operation of the camp is the mass destruction of Jews, purposefully participating in the implementation of a common criminal plan. The defense adhered to the strategy that the defendants were only weak-willed executors of the orders of the highest Nazi leadership and were forced to commit crimes at the risk of their own lives. None of the accused pleaded guilty, and in their closing speeches they expressed neither regret nor remorse to the victims and their relatives. The verdict of the jury was soft: only 6 accused were sentenced to life imprisonment, the rest received various (from 3 to 14 years) terms of imprisonment, three were acquitted. However, the significance of the Frankfurt trial exceeds the purpose of the criminal punishment of the Nazi criminals. The process became a milestone in the course of overcoming by the Germans of their recent past, the awareness of the responsibility of German society for the crimes of national socialism.


Author(s):  
Kristen Renwick Monroe

This chapter showcases a Dutch collaborator named Fritz. Fritz shared many of Tony's prewar conservative opinions in favor of the monarchy and traditional Dutch values, although he was of working-class origins, unlike Tony and Beatrix, who were Dutch bourgeoisie. But unlike Beatrix or Tony, Fritz joined the Nazi Party, wrote propaganda for the Nazi cause, and married the daughter of a German Nazi. When he was interviewed in 1992, Fritz indicated he was appalled at what he later learned about Nazi treatment of Jews but that he still believed in many of the goals of the National Socialist movement and felt that Hitler had betrayed the movement. Fritz is thus classified as a disillusioned Nazi supporter who retains his faith in much of National Socialism, and this chapter is presented as illustrative of the psychology of those who once supported the Nazi regime but who were disillusioned after the war.


2021 ◽  
pp. 46-64
Author(s):  
Edward B. Westermann

This chapter evaluates the significance of ritual and symbolism to the construction and manifestation of power under National Socialism. It underlines the importance of practices such as the mammoth party rallies at Nuremberg, the universal displays of the swastika on flags, pins, and armbands and the ubiquitous use of “Heil Hitler” as the standard greeting of the Third Reich under the Nazi regime. The chapter also contends that the creation of Nazi power was accomplished in no small measure by the use of ritual, and, in fact, ritual in the Third Reich served as an expression of “social power” that extended into virtually all aspects of German society. These celebratory events of Nazi power involved daily acts of verbal or physical humiliation of Jews, communists, and socialists, as well as organized and exemplary episodes of abusive behavior. Ultimately, the chapter studies the symbiotic relationship between violence, competition, and male comradeship and how it became manifest in the actions, rituals, and celebratory practices of Nazi paramilitary organizations through acts of humiliation by SS and policemen on the streets, in the concentration camps, and in the killing fields.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Ziemann

This article encapsulates some of the problems that rampaged Germany apart from politics. The ongoing relevance of religion in the search for meaning in postwar Germany, amidst growing discontent with the churches as organized bodies and their professional representatives; the ways in which their lack of resistance against the anti-Jewish policies of the Nazi regime haunted the Christian churches after 1945. Amidst the rubble of the society of the immediate postwar period, bishops, priests, and theologians of both Christian churches agreed that a rebuilding of the moral and political order could only succeed through a reaffirmation of Christian values. Rebuilding the moral compass and the international authority of the Germans would, hence, require a rechristianization of society. Statistics showing that people rejoined the churches in droves seemed to support these claims for a rechristianization of German society. This article analyses the culmination of religions within the German society post Second World War.


2018 ◽  
Vol 98 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 425-447
Author(s):  
William S. Skiles

AbstractThis article examines the reports of the Gestapo and SD regarding pastors’ criticisms of the Nazi state and its ideology from the authority of the pulpit. My research reveals a degree of public opposition to the regime within the walls of the German churches, especially in terms of Nazi racial ideology and the persecution of Jews. While pastors did not incite resistance to the Nazi regime or conspire to overthrow its leadership, they at times sought to undermine the legitimacy of Nazi claims to truth. The sermons reveal concern among pastors that National Socialism and Christianity are at odds, or even mutually exclusive believe systems. Furthermore, the evidence indicates that pastors were often drawn into the cross-hairs of the Nazi secret police by asserting that Christianity must be the standard and measure of Nazi racial truth claims.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
MIA LEE

Since the early-2000s there has been an increasing amount of research on connections between the Nazi regime and the Arab world largely spurred by scholars of Germany. One of the key contributions of this scholarship has been the argument that historic links between National Socialism and Islam, in particular the connection between National Socialist racial ideology and contemporary anti-Semitism in the Middle East, persisted into the post-war period and crucially shaped Middle Eastern politics and policies. This approach is represented in this review in the studies by Matthias Küntzel, Jeffrey Herf, Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Martin Cüppers and Barry Rubin and Wolfgang Schwanitz, who all – in various ways – suggest that there is a direct line of continuity between National Socialism, the Muslim Brotherhood and the rise of al-Qaeda. By calling attention to the role of National Socialism, these studies challenge what has hitherto been the dominant historiography of the modern Middle East, which contextualises the rise of anti-Semitism in the region within a broader analysis of Arab nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism. The debate on the importance of National Socialism in the Arab world continues to develop. Recent books by historians David Motadel and Stefan Ihrig return the focus from the Middle East to Nazi policy in the region allowing them to place the Nazi regime within a longer history of Western misapprehensions of the ‘Muslim’ world. Placing these two approaches side by side allows us to evaluate the historical evidence of collaboration between Nazism and radical Islam and thereby assess the extent to which Nazi racial ideology penetrated the Arab world.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-155
Author(s):  
Klemens von Klemperer

Clemens August Graf von Galen (1878-1946) is popularly known as the “Lion of Münster” for his resolute opposition to Nazism, notably to Hitler's policy of euthanasia that was to cleanse Germany of the mentally retarded. Von Galen was the Bishop of Münster in Westphalia until he became a cardinal in 1946, shortly before his death. In the summer of 1941, he delivered three powerful sermons against euthanasia and the closing of monasteries. The sermons were secretly copied and distributed and also, much to the embarrassment of the Nazi regime, dropped as leaflets by the Royal Air Force over Germany. It is thanks to these sermons that Bishop von Galen has been widely recognized and indeed celebrated as a resister against National Socialism.


Author(s):  
Willeke Sandler

Many colonialists had believed that the Nazi regime established in 1933 would ease cooperation between colonialists and the Nazi Party, but conflicts between colonialists and Nazi officials continued over the next decade. This chapter examines these continuing tensions through two categories: organizational rivalry and ideological competition. Organizations such as the NS-Frauenschaft, the Hitler Youth, the Auslands-Organisation, and the Volksbund für das Deutschtum im Ausland competed with colonialists for access to sectors of German society and for control over discussions about Auslandsdeutschen (Germans beyond Germany’s borders). Colonialists also had to assert the relationship between their focus on Africa and the Nazis’ focus on Eastern Europe as a territorial goal. These competitions at times hindered colonialists’ publicity work, yet also brought discussions of the former overseas colonies into broader sectors of society through these other organizations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 279-316
Author(s):  
Ute Pothmann

Abstract This article investigates one stage in the career of Dr. Wilhelm Voss (1896-1974) who was a chartered accountant, manager of the Reichswerke “Hermann Göring” and armament adviser to the Egyptian government after World War II. During the Weimar republic Voss was a respected association official and chartered accountant without a political background. Between spring 1933 and autumn 1934 he integrated himself fast and successfully into the Nazi regime. The article explores Voss’ actions, his motives and family background as well as professional points of contact to National Socialism. At the same time it reveals the difficult development of chartered accountancy as a profession in Germany around 1930 and attempts to professionalize the occupation by different individuals and organisations. This paper takes up new research approaches to the history of elites. The source material is evaluated on the four analysis levels of “authority”, “situation”, “profession” and “self-image”.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Madden

A requisite for determining the nature of a political movement is identifying the segments of society which provide its base of support. In the case of German National Socialism, however, historians and political scientists have often neglected an empirical analysis of the social composition of the party membership, concentrating instead on its “program,” its leadership, and its organization. From these aspects of Nazism, they have deduced that the movement must have had great appeal for certain dissatisfied groups in German society during the interwar period, and that those groups in fact made up the bulk of the party's rank-and-file members.


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