WILLIAM LOVETT AND THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL IMPROVEMENT OF THE PEOPLE

1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 1027-1050 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID STACK
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Internal Structure ◽  
National Association ◽  
The Political ◽  
Heuristic Function ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Radicalism ◽  
Scientific Ideas ◽  
Social Improvement

This article examines the isomorphic connections between the scientific and political ideas of William Lovett and the National Association for the Political and Social Improvement of the People. It demonstrates that, far from being a mere coincidental device, distinct from his politics, Lovett's scientific ideas helped shape the internal structure of his political radicalism. The same was also true of the National Association more generally. Concepts and assumptions derived from phrenology and physiology served the heuristic function of stimulating the construction of analogous systems which directed and conditioned the version of political radicalism which Lovett and the National Association propagated. This suggests that in the mid-nineteenth century the importance of the organic sciences was more politically subtle than previously thought and that a reconciliation of the ideas of George Combe with political radicalism was possible. This insight is compatible with recent historiographical trends, and opens up new vistas for the study of science in radicalism.

VOOR DE VORST, MAAR IN NAAM VAN HET VOLK

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-134
Author(s):  
Corné Smit
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People

FOR THE KING, BUT IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE How the conservative ‘Dagblad van Zuidholland en ’s-Gravenhage’ developed its populist traits The Dutch conservatives in the nineteenth century used the concept of volkskoning (the people’s king) to legitimize their defence of royal prerogatives against the increasing power of parliament. This concept emphasized the bond between monarch and people and depicted the political elite as a threat to both. Based on a study of the conservative newspaper Dagblad van Zuidholland en ’s-Gravenhage, this article argues that the idea of the volkskoning was developed into a more populist argument in which the people became the de facto sovereign who had to be protected against the rotten elite in parliament.

Introduction

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. C. Smout
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Short Run ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
The Way

This book presents an overview of the first six decades of the Union of the Crowns. It also provides a picture of the uses to which judicial torture was put after 1660 and a summary of the straits in which Scotland found itself in the opening years of the eighteenth century. It then explores the problems which union posed to maritime lawyers of both nations, the dark reception that the Scots received in eighteenth-century England, and the way Enlightenment Scotland viewed the British unions. It examines the ambitions of Scottish élites in India, the frame for radical cooperation in the age of the Friends of the People and later, and the background for the sojourn of Thomas and Jane Carlyle in London. It finally outlined the Anglo-Scottish relations on the political scene in the nineteenth century. The parliamentary union did little in the short run for Anglo-Scottish relations. It is shown that Scots are indeed worried and worry a lot about Anglo-Scottish relations, but the English worried and worry about them hardly at all, except in times of exceptional crisis, as in 1638–54, 1703–7, 1745–7 and perhaps much later in the 1970s after oil had been discovered.

Cuban Revolutionary Politics in Diaspora

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
National Association ◽  
The Political ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
Revolutionary Politics ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
And Gender

This chapter tells the story of two key and connected institutions of the Cuban Independence movement outside of Cuba: the Cuban Revolutionary Party (PRC) and the National Association of Cuban Revolutionary Émigrés (ANERC). These institutions and their records have much to teach us about the political culture of Cubans in exile during the second half of the nineteenth century. More specifically, the chapter explores the tension between inclusion and exclusion that marked both institutions during the 1890s and the first few decades of the twentieth century, with a special emphasis on race, class and gender.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 201-206
Author(s):  
Lucy Atkinson ◽  
Andrew Blick ◽  
Matt Qvortrup
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Natural Extension ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Popular Government ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Device Use ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Working Device

The referendum came onto the agenda in the UK in the final quarter of the nineteenth century, and it has never entirely disappeared from it, either as a proposition or a working device. Use of the referendum in the UK was conceived of and presented both as a natural extension of the principle of democracy that was then taking hold, and as a means of offsetting perceived defects with the representative variant of popular government that had developed. In particular, it was seen as a safeguard against the manipulative impact of parties that might lead the parliamentary system to serve the ends of factions within the elite above the people. It might enable the public to vote for a particular party with which they were broadly sympathetic without needing to endorse their entire programme; and would mean that a government could not implement measures of major significance to which a majority objected. It was largely envisaged as likely to have a conservative impact, creating a new and final means by which change might be blocked. Yet its appeal spread across the political spectrum; as did opposition to it....

For the People

2021 ◽  
pp. 81-128
Author(s):  
Naomi Graber
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Context ◽  
World's Fair ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Theatre Project ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Center ◽  
Federal Theatre

Several projects from the late 1930s saw Weill writing in American folk idioms in ways that he carried over into the 1940s. One Man from Tennessee (1937, unfinished), written for the Federal Theatre Project, uses Leftist language to address contemporary political issues, although problems with the libretto doomed the endeavor. The World’s Fair pageant Railroads on Parade (1939, rev. 1940) represents Weill’s willingness to work within the political center, which coincided with mounting tensions with Germany. After the war (and his naturalization), Weill returned to folk idioms with Down in the Valley (1948), which draws on some of the same musical, theatrical, and political ideas as One Man from Tennessee, but in a drastically different cultural context.

The Vicissitudes of the Mahāsammata in East Asia

2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Rambelli
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
South Asian ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Resistance ◽  
Divine Sovereignty ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The People ◽  
Asian Context ◽  
Subsequent Literature

This article discusses Buddhism’s conflicting relation with kingship through an analysis of the figure of the Mahāsammata, the first mythical ruler according to Buddhist scriptures and canonical commentaries. The Mahāsammata, literally the ‘Great Elect’, was a human being elected by the people and entrusted with keeping order in a society that was gradually becoming more complex; as such, this myth expresses an idea of kingship that is very different from Indic and East Asian theories of divine sovereignty. The Mahāsammata has been studied within the South Asian context, but very little is known about its role in East Asian Buddhism. This article offers an analysis of this figure based on sutras translated into Chinese and subsequent literature in Chinese and Japanese. It aims to show some of the ways in which the Mahāsammata and the political ideas it represents were interpreted and transformed in East Asia, also in order to gain a better understanding of the varieties of Buddhist political thought, including those with the oppositional potential (if not actual oppositional praxis) to become conceptual bases for social and political resistance.

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