Council of Europe

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 216-218
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Security ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
German Federal Republic ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
The North ◽  
European Code ◽  
The North Atlantic

The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, together with representatives of the German Federal Republic and the Saar met at Rome on November 4, 1950 under the chairmanship of Count Sforza (Italy). Prior to the meeting the ministers had agreed that Germany and the Saar should be represented at all meetings of the committee and not only at certain specified times. Two decisions were taken by the ministers: not to discuss the Assembly recommendation for the formation of a European army under a European defense minister; and to approve the convention on human rights. The committee felt that the Atlantic army proposed by Secretary of State Dean G. Acheson (United States) and the release of the Pleven Plan by France had overshadowed the Assembly recommendation. The matter was being discussed by the North Atlantic Pact Organization and the ministers believed that it was better to leave the question to be handled by the governments rather than risk a clash of views in the Council of Europe. Furthermore, the ministers agreed to establish a refugee office within the Secretariat and to encourage the drafting of a European Code of Social Security. The ministers were also sympathetic to the need for revision of the Statute to allow for ”specialized authorities” within the framework of the Council of Europe.

Allied High Commission for Germany

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-832
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Scrap Metal ◽  
German Federal Republic ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Contractual Agreements

With the development of certain administrative frictions (concerning coal quotas, occupation costs, and the scrap metal treaty) between the western occupying powers and the German Federal Republic, early indications were that if the talk of “contractual agreements” did materialize it would reserve, for the occupying powers, wide controls over important areas of west Germany's internal and external affairs. In Washington, however, a general modification of approach was noted during the September discussions between the United States Secretary of State (Acheson), the United Kingdom Foreign Secretary (Morrison), and the French Foreign Minister (Schuman), preparatory to the Ottawa meetings of the North Atlantic Council.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 442-445
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
German Federal Republic ◽  
The North ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Western European

CouncilAt a ministerial meeting of the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in Paris on May 9 to n, 1955, the German Federal Republic was formally admitted to NATO, raising total membership to fifteen. The Council reaffirmed the purely defensive character of the organization and expressed gratification on the entry into force of agreements establishing the Western European Union. The Council welcomed declarations by the ministers of NATO members signatory to the Italian Peace Treaty reaffirming their view that various discriminatory aspects of that treaty were considered inconsistent with the position of Italy as an ally.

scholarly journals Distribution, morphology, and taxonomy of the psychrolutid fish Cottunculus granulosus (Karrer) from the southwestern Atlantic

1980 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 982-990 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nelson ◽  
Izumi Nakamura
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Southwestern Atlantic ◽  
The North ◽  
The North Atlantic

Cottunculus granulosus, previously known only from the holotype, is now known to be relatively common and to occur from Uruguay to southernmost Argentina at depths of 150–1250 m as a result of trawling expeditions by the Federal Republic of Germany, Japan, and United States. Two forms exist, a plain-colored, short-spined form and a banded, long-spined form. It is possible that Bunocottus apus represents the same species as C. granulosus. Of the six or so species of Cottunculus, C. granulosus appears to be most closely related to C. microps, C. sadko, and C. thompsoni of the North Atlantic and Arctic oceans.

Strategy and the Atlantic Alliance

1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 709-732 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert R. Bowie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
The United States ◽  
The North ◽  
Nuclear Control ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
The Military

The debate over strategy, forces, and nuclear control, which now divides the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), is framed largely in military terms: what is the best way to protect the NATO area and its members from aggression? The military aspects are complex in themselves, but the import of these issues extends far beyond defense. Their handling will greatly affect prospects for a partnership between the United States and a strong, united Europe

scholarly journals Modes of Understanding of the Religion “Object” in North Atlantic Modernity

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-377
Author(s):  
Stewart M. Hoover
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
The North ◽  
Religion And Media ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Nationalism And Identity

Abstract Recent struggles over the implications of migration have fueled transformational politics on both sides of the Atlantic. At the center of this are questions of identity, value, long-standing standards of human rights and even enlightenment categories of modernity. Both religion and media play central – even determinative – roles in these debates. This article will argue that scholarships focused on identity “imaginaries” are critical to understanding these discourses and this politics. This scholarship must inquire into both “sides” of migration, both the conceptual worlds of those who wish to move, and the conceptual worlds of those who receive (or attempt to not receive) them. This article will look at the latter through a deep historicist inquiry into the mediation of Protestantism as a central determinative force in the establishment of contemporary conditions of politics in relation to migration in the North Atlantic West. Protestantism’s role in European modernity is well-known, as is its deep interconnection with evolving technologies and means of communication and practices of mediation. This article seeks to understand religion-inflected discourses of nationalism and identity as functions of Protestant social and media instrumentality.

Shaping the postwar balance of power: multilateralism in NATO

1992 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 633-680 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Weber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Multilateral Organization ◽  
John Ruggie

At the end of the 1940s, the United States and several West European states allied to defend themselves against invasion by the Soviet Union. Balance-ofpower theory predicts the recurrent formation of such balances among states. But it says little about the precise nature of the balance, the principles on which it will be constructed, or its institutional manifestations. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has been a peculiar mix. As a formal institution, NATO has through most of its history been distinctly nonmultilateral, with the United States commanding most decision-making power and responsibility. At the same time, NATO provided security to its member states in a way that strongly reflected multilateral principles. Within NATO, security was indivisible. It was based on a general organizing principle, the principle that the external boundaries of alliance territory were completely inviolable and that an attack on any border was an attack on all. Diffuse reciprocity was the norm. In the terms set out by John Ruggie, NATO has generally scored low as a multilateral organization but high as an institution of multilateralism.

The Shipping of the North Atlantic Cotton Trade in the Mid-Nineteenth Century

2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars U. Scholl ◽  
Lars U. Scholl ◽  
Lars U. Scholl
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Atlantic Trade ◽  
The North ◽  
Seasonal Characteristics ◽  
Arrival Dates ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Cotton Trade

This essay analyses the North Atlantic Cotton Trade through records of cotton arrivals at Liverpool, using two sets of data from 1830-1832 and 1853-1855. Using Customs Bills of Entry, Williams presents data of cotton receipts from the United States to Liverpool; quantities of bales exported; numbers of vessels; origin ports of vessels; distinguishes between regular and occasional cotton traders; arrivals at Liverpool by nationality; and vessel tonnage. He determines that the majority of vessels participated in the cotton trade seasonally, and suggests that the cotton trade was not self-contained, but part of a complex interrelationship within the North Atlantic trade system, encompassing commodity dealings, shipping employment levels, and the seasonal characteristics of cargo. The conclusion requests further scholarly research into the pattern of ship movements in the Atlantic. Two appendices provide more data, concerning arrival dates of regular traders in Liverpool, and the month of departure of cotton vessels from Southern states.

Redress for Victims of the NATO Bombing of the Radio Television of Serbia: The Example of Monuments

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-140
Author(s):  
Jasmina Kijevcanin
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
The North ◽  
20Th Anniversary ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Nato Bombing ◽  
Kosovo War ◽  
Nato Intervention

The year 2019 marked the 20th anniversary of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and the end of the Kosovo War. I take this as an opportunity to reflect on the role, importance and impact of the NATO bombing victims’ redress. This article unwraps the process of policymaking aimed at the redress for victims of the NATO bombing, exploring how policymakers formulated policies and, among other issues, what role the families of the Radio Television of Serbia employees who died in the NATO bombing have in the formulation of these policies.

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