Modes of Understanding of the Religion “Object” in North Atlantic Modernity

Abstract Recent struggles over the implications of migration have fueled transformational politics on both sides of the Atlantic. At the center of this are questions of identity, value, long-standing standards of human rights and even enlightenment categories of modernity. Both religion and media play central – even determinative – roles in these debates. This article will argue that scholarships focused on identity “imaginaries” are critical to understanding these discourses and this politics. This scholarship must inquire into both “sides” of migration, both the conceptual worlds of those who wish to move, and the conceptual worlds of those who receive (or attempt to not receive) them. This article will look at the latter through a deep historicist inquiry into the mediation of Protestantism as a central determinative force in the establishment of contemporary conditions of politics in relation to migration in the North Atlantic West. Protestantism’s role in European modernity is well-known, as is its deep interconnection with evolving technologies and means of communication and practices of mediation. This article seeks to understand religion-inflected discourses of nationalism and identity as functions of Protestant social and media instrumentality.

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Council of Europe

International Organization ◽

10.1017/s0020818300029982 ◽

1951 ◽

Vol 5 (1) ◽

pp. 216-218

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Human Rights ◽

Social Security ◽

Federal Republic ◽

North Atlantic ◽

German Federal Republic ◽

Council Of Europe ◽

The North ◽

European Code ◽

The North Atlantic

The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, together with representatives of the German Federal Republic and the Saar met at Rome on November 4, 1950 under the chairmanship of Count Sforza (Italy). Prior to the meeting the ministers had agreed that Germany and the Saar should be represented at all meetings of the committee and not only at certain specified times. Two decisions were taken by the ministers: not to discuss the Assembly recommendation for the formation of a European army under a European defense minister; and to approve the convention on human rights. The committee felt that the Atlantic army proposed by Secretary of State Dean G. Acheson (United States) and the release of the Pleven Plan by France had overshadowed the Assembly recommendation. The matter was being discussed by the North Atlantic Pact Organization and the ministers believed that it was better to leave the question to be handled by the governments rather than risk a clash of views in the Council of Europe. Furthermore, the ministers agreed to establish a refugee office within the Secretariat and to encourage the drafting of a European Code of Social Security. The ministers were also sympathetic to the need for revision of the Statute to allow for ”specialized authorities” within the framework of the Council of Europe.

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Cold War I, Post-Cold War, and Cold War II: The Overarching Contexts for Peacekeeping, Human Rights, and NATO

Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting ◽

10.1017/amp.2019.134 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 113 ◽

pp. 31-34

Author(s):

Michael Doyle

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

World War Ii ◽

Cold War ◽

North Atlantic ◽

North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽

World War ◽

Post Cold War ◽

The North ◽

The World ◽

The North Atlantic

Peacekeeping, human rights, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have flourished in complementary contrast with each other. Their relationship has reflected the constraints and opportunities provided by three geopolitical eras since World War II. The first (the first Cold War) began in about 1948 and lasted until 1988; the second (the Post-Cold War Liberal Primacy) ran from 1989 to around 2012; finally, since 2012 the world has been threatened with the emergence of a second Cold War.

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The Currents of the North Atlantic

Scientific American ◽

10.1038/scientificamerican09171892-13940supp ◽

1892 ◽

Vol 34 (872supp) ◽

pp. 13940-13941

Author(s):

Richard Beynon

Keyword(s):

North Atlantic ◽

The North ◽

The North Atlantic

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Power-feed equipment for the North Atlantic link

Proceedings of the IEE - Part B Radio and Electronic Engineering ◽

10.1049/pi-b-1.1957.0006 ◽

1957 ◽

Vol 104 (4S) ◽

pp. 51-59

Author(s):

G.W. Meszaros ◽

H.H. Spencer

Keyword(s):

North Atlantic ◽

The North ◽

The North Atlantic

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NATO adaptation to current challenges and mechanisms of Ukraine’s cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization

Public administration and local government ◽

10.33287/101910 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 73-81

Author(s):

Oleh Poshedin

Keyword(s):

North Atlantic ◽

Task Force ◽

Response Force ◽

Cyber Attack ◽

Adaptation Measures ◽

Joint Force ◽

Security Environment ◽

The North ◽

The North Atlantic ◽

Area Of Influence

The purpose of the article is to describe the changes NATO undergoing in response to the challenges of our time. Today NATO, as a key element of European and Euro-Atlantic security, is adapting to changes in the modern security environment by increasing its readiness and ability to respond to any threat. Adaptation measures include the components required to ensure that the Alliance can fully address the security challenges it might face. Responsiveness NATO Response Force enhanced by developing force packages that are able to move rapidly and respond to potential challenges and threats. As part of it, was established a Very High Readiness Joint Task Force, a new Allied joint force that deploy within a few days to respond to challenges that arise, particularly at the periphery of NATO’s territory. NATO emphasizes, that cyber defence is part of NATO’s core task of collective defence. A decision as to when a cyber attack would lead to the invocation of Article 5 would be taken by the North Atlantic Council on a case-by-case basis. Cooperation with NATO already contributes to the implementation of national security and defense in state policy. At the same time, taking into account that all decision-making in NATO based on consensus, Ukraine’s membership in the Alliance quite vague perspective. In such circumstances, in Ukraine you often can hear the idea of announcement of a neutral status. It is worth reminding that non-aligned status did not save Ukraine from Russian aggression. Neutral status will not accomplish it either. All talks about neutrality and the impossibility of Ukraine joining NATO are nothing but manipulations, as well as recognition of the Ukrainian territory as Russian Federation area of influence (this country seeks to sabotage the Euro-Atlantic movement of Ukraine). Think about it, Moldova’s Neutrality is enshrined in the country’s Constitution since 1994. However, this did not help Moldova to restore its territorial integrity and to force Russia to withdraw its troops and armaments from Transnistria.

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