scholarly journals Aloysius Huber and May 15, 1848

1984 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-61
Author(s):  
Lowell L. Blaisdell

One of the memorable days in the French revolution of 1848 occurred on May 15. Several extraordinary events happened on that date. The first was the overrunning of the legislative chamber by an unruly crowd. Next, and most important, a person named Aloysius Huber, after several hours had elapsed, unilaterally declared the National Assembly dissolved. In the resultant confusion, the legislators and the crowd dispersed. Third, shortly afterwards, an attempt took place at the City Hall to set up a new revolutionary government. It failed completely. As the result of these happenings, a number of people thought to be, or actually, implicated in them were imprisoned on charges of sedition.

Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer

In 1792, the French Revolution became a thing in itself, an uncontrollable force that might eventually spend itself but which no one could direct or guide. The governments set up in Paris in the following years all faced the problem of holding together against forces more revolutionary than themselves. This chapter distinguishes two such forces for analytical purposes. There was a popular upheaval, an upsurge from below, sans-culottisme, which occurred only in France. Second, there was the “international” revolutionary agitation, which was not international in any strict sense, but only concurrent within the boundaries of various states as then organized. From the French point of view these were the “foreign” revolutionaries or sympathizers. The most radical of the “foreign” revolutionaries were seldom more than advanced political democrats. Repeatedly, however, from 1792 to 1799, these two forces tended to converge into one force in opposition to the French government of the moment.


1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (96) ◽  
pp. 493-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. N. Petler

It has long been recognised that the French revolution of 1848 had a profound effect on the rest of Europe. The overthrow of the Orleans monarchy and the establishment of the second republic were seen as heralding the dawn of a new age. Established governments, most of which had recognised that the Continent was approaching a period of crisis, anxiously expected the spread of the revolutionary contagion and the outbreak of a major European war, whilst the discontented elements found encouragement and inspiration from the events in Paris. In Great Britain the reaction to the events across the English Channel reflected this trend. This is the beginning', noted one member of the cabinet, recalling 1792; who will live to see the end?' The Chartists were jubilant, declaring that the time was now ripe to achieve their demands.


AJS Review ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay R. Berkovitz

For the Jews of France, as for their fellow countrymen, the French Revolution came to constitute the myth of origin, the birthdate of a new existence. On September 27, 1791, two years after the storming of the Bastille and the Declaration of the Rights of Man, the French National Assembly voted to admit the Jews of Alsace-Lorraine to citizenship. Subsequent generations would recall this momentous event as a turning point of extraordinary magnitude, and would view themselves as compelling evidence of its transformative power. Their memories tended to be dominated by images of celebration and glory, comparing the Revolution to the Sinaitic revelation and referring to it in messianic-redemptive terms. Not surprisingly, the many setbacks and misfortunes suffered by the generation of 1789 were largely absent from these recollections, while only meager appreciation for the complexities introduced into Jewish cultural life can be detected in the half-century following the Revolution. Even more significant was the ascendant historical view, undoubtedly colored by a pervading sense of optimism among leaders of French Jewry, that credited the Revolution with having put an end to centuries of humiliation, legal discrimination, and exclusion from the mainstream of society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-222
Author(s):  
D. D. Nikolaev

One of the main motives in “Odessa” part of I. A. Bunin’s “Okayannye dni” is connected with France. For the first time “Okayannye dni” was published in 1925 on the pages of Paris émigré newspaper “Vozrozhdenie”, and Bunin's text was addressed not only to Russian, but also to foreign audience, primarily French. The editorial circumstances of the first publication should be taken into account when explaining the significance of the “French” motives, but journalistic logic of 1925 follows the specific circumstances of life in Odessa and related author’s experience of 1919. “The French” appear in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”, published in the first issue of “Renaissance” on June 3, 1925. In the newspaper publication the starting point is the decision of the French troops to leave Odessa. Bunin does not directly accuse France of abandoning the city and its inhabitants, but then constantly returns to the motive of unfulfilled hopes associated with the French. The French navy destroyer becomes a symbol of the hopes and their collapse. Two other lines connecting Russia and France are also pointed in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”. Bunin writes about modern political events and about French history. Bunin constantly reminds the French of their historical responsibility for committing and canonizing their “great” revolution, thus setting an example of the Russian revolution. Among the semantic centers of the “Okayannye dni” in the newspaper publication are fragments about the leaders of the French revolution, in which Bunin refers to the book “Vielles maisons, vieux papiers” by G. Lenotre. References to Lenotr’s book help to avoid a negative assessment of the French revolution as a view of the Russian “from the outside”. Significant changes in the text of the “Okayannye dni” in the book edition in Berlin in 1935 also relate to French motives. Their significance is reduced both by removing fragments and by the restoration of the natural chronological structure, in which the “Okayannye dni” now begin in Moscow on January 1, 1918, not by departure of the French troops from Odessa in 1919.


Author(s):  
Thomas Paine

Among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and irritate each other, Mr Burke’s pamphlet on the French Revolution is an extraordinary instance. Neither the People of France, nor the National Assembly, were troubling themselves about the affairs of England, or the English...


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