scholarly journals France and the French in “Okayannye dni” by I. A. Bunin

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-222
Author(s):  
D. D. Nikolaev
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
French History ◽  
Historical Responsibility ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
First Time ◽  
The City ◽  
The French Revolution

One of the main motives in “Odessa” part of I. A. Bunin’s “Okayannye dni” is connected with France. For the first time “Okayannye dni” was published in 1925 on the pages of Paris émigré newspaper “Vozrozhdenie”, and Bunin's text was addressed not only to Russian, but also to foreign audience, primarily French. The editorial circumstances of the first publication should be taken into account when explaining the significance of the “French” motives, but journalistic logic of 1925 follows the specific circumstances of life in Odessa and related author’s experience of 1919. “The French” appear in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”, published in the first issue of “Renaissance” on June 3, 1925. In the newspaper publication the starting point is the decision of the French troops to leave Odessa. Bunin does not directly accuse France of abandoning the city and its inhabitants, but then constantly returns to the motive of unfulfilled hopes associated with the French. The French navy destroyer becomes a symbol of the hopes and their collapse. Two other lines connecting Russia and France are also pointed in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”. Bunin writes about modern political events and about French history. Bunin constantly reminds the French of their historical responsibility for committing and canonizing their “great” revolution, thus setting an example of the Russian revolution. Among the semantic centers of the “Okayannye dni” in the newspaper publication are fragments about the leaders of the French revolution, in which Bunin refers to the book “Vielles maisons, vieux papiers” by G. Lenotre. References to Lenotr’s book help to avoid a negative assessment of the French revolution as a view of the Russian “from the outside”. Significant changes in the text of the “Okayannye dni” in the book edition in Berlin in 1935 also relate to French motives. Their significance is reduced both by removing fragments and by the restoration of the natural chronological structure, in which the “Okayannye dni” now begin in Moscow on January 1, 1918, not by departure of the French troops from Odessa in 1919.

scholarly journals Danton. Wektory interpretacji filmu Andrzeja Wajdy

2017 ◽  
pp. 59-76
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Szturc
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Current Model ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Material Goods ◽  
Andrzej Wajda ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

In this paper, the author presents the final period of the French Revolution as interpretated by Andrzej Wajda. The screenplay was prepared by Jean-Claude Carrière based on Stanisława Przybyszewska’s drama (also used by Wajda as a screenplay in many dramas). It helped the director to describe the reality of the intense time of Robespierre’s terror and Jacobin efforts to guillotine Danton and his allies. Wajda reveals the same mechanisms of crime, manipulation and lies which became the backdrop for political events in Poland between 1981-1983 (especially with the introduction of martial law in Poland in 1981). The model of Danton’s fall and the strengthening of totalitarian rule are considered the current model of history, which is based on cruelty and the struggle for power. The film forms the basis for a broader view of history as the tragic entanglement of events, which is the result of hubris and the desire for material goods, and is the origin of totalitarian rule. References to the emblems of the revolution, allegories, and the symbolism of art (paintings of David) are the fundamental ekphrasis of meanings set by the film. Wajda’s analysis of Danton shows some typical ways of understanding and interpreting the signs of culture and history.

scholarly journals Aloysius Huber and May 15, 1848

1984 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-61
Author(s):  
Lowell L. Blaisdell
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
City Hall ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
The City ◽  
The French Revolution

One of the memorable days in the French revolution of 1848 occurred on May 15. Several extraordinary events happened on that date. The first was the overrunning of the legislative chamber by an unruly crowd. Next, and most important, a person named Aloysius Huber, after several hours had elapsed, unilaterally declared the National Assembly dissolved. In the resultant confusion, the legislators and the crowd dispersed. Third, shortly afterwards, an attempt took place at the City Hall to set up a new revolutionary government. It failed completely. As the result of these happenings, a number of people thought to be, or actually, implicated in them were imprisoned on charges of sedition.

Deistic Piety in the Cults of the French Revolution

1933 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Lyttle
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Philosophy Of Religion ◽  
General Impression ◽  
Religious Impulse ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church ◽  
Supreme Being ◽  
Public Worship ◽  
The French Revolution

Apart from the democratized Catholicism of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (July 12, 1790) the French Revolution occasioned four phenomena of novel significance: (a) The so-called “Cult of Reason” established in effect though not in name by decree of the Convention in November, 1793; (b) The nationalist Decadal fêtes, provided for that same autumn, when the church calendar was replaced by the republican; (c) the “Cult of the Supreme Being” originating in legislation of May 1794 and culminating in the Fête of the Supreme Being on June 8 following; (d) the Cult of Theophilanthropism whose prayerbook, called a Manuel at first, was composed in the summer of 1796, printed in the fall, adapted to the needs of public worship as well as domestic in December, and actually used in the former way for the first time on January 15, 1797. Following the precedent of the Abbé Grégoire, whose great History of the Sects of the Revolution appeared in 1814, these four phenomena have been classed together, with the obvious implication that all were tarred with the same stick, the ingredients of the tar consisting of infidel fatuity and political chicanery. Such indeed was the general impression that had already been conveyed by the hostile comments of conservative critics outside France. Consequently it became almost a tradition for decades to consider the four phenomena together as brilliant illustrations of the Deistic philosophy of religion, with the overt or implicit suggestion that they stand as incontrovertible proof of the infatuation of radical doctrinaires and of their folly in supposing that the religious impulse could be suffocated, or that its forms of expression nonchalantly improvised, or its nature changed from that of faith, mystery and revelation to that of reason and morality. Only recently have the researches of Aulard, Mathiez and others served to set before us accurate pictures of the actual ceremonies of these novel cults, as well as careful analyses of the sources and motives of their inception. These researches and revaluations justify a review of the traditional conceptions. Omitting the nationalistic Decadal fêtes as purely secular, our study will be devoted to the Cults of Reason, of the Supreme Being and of Theophilanthropism.

POLITICAL CULTURE, POLITICAL CLASS, AND POLITICAL COMMUNITY

1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 311-315
Author(s):  
D. L. L. PARRY
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Political Community ◽  
French History ◽  
New Haven ◽  
Yale University ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Past ◽  
The French Revolution

The past in French history. By Robert Gildea. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1994. Pp. xiv+418. £30.00. ISBN 0-300-05799-7Napoleon and his artists. By Timothy Wilson-Smith. London: Constable, 1996. Pp. xxx+306. £23.00. ISBN 0-094-76110-8Revolution and the meanings of freedom in the nineteenth century. Edited by Isser Woloch. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996. Pp. viii+447. £40.00. ISBN 0-804-72748-1Over the past twenty years, Keith Baker, François Furet, Lynn Hunt, Mona Ozouf et al. have argued that the French Revolution gave birth to a new political culture, and by implication that one should study politics through this culture rather than through l'histoire événementielle of ministries and elections. The three books reviewed here all relate to political culture in the wake of the French Revolution, explicitly in The past in French history and implicitly in the other two volumes: under Napoleon, artistic culture was politicized and regimented, and after his fall nineteenth-century Europe was left to nurse the awkward offspring of 1789, the ideologies of revolution and freedom. Yet whilst these books provide fine studies of political culture, they make only passing references to two less clearly defined concepts which may be necessary adjuncts to such an approach. The first is that of a ‘political class’, meaning those who occupy office, usually by election and regardless of party, which enables one to put l'histoire événementielle aside, since elections or changes of cabinet are merely reshuffles within the political class. The second concept concerns the communities that create political cultures. What, though, creates these communities?

Du Paria à l’Émigré : une typologie des vagabonds post-révolutionnaires

2014 ◽  
pp. 18-27
Author(s):  
Hugo Sert
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Michel Foucault ◽  
French History ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Revolutionary Period ◽  
The French Revolution

The « great detention » analysed by Michel Foucault shows the fear societies have of wanderers and tramps. During the wholeclassical period, political and religious elites try to lock up people who don’t have neither home nor work, thinking that they are a danger to society’s order. Arts and literature represent this threat, reinforcing the negativity of wandering and mobility in minds. However, there is a time in French history leading to question this doxa. A political revolution turns these representations round. The French Revolution changes the camp of suspicion towards wandering. Starting from 1789, old elites, ironically, find themselves out in the streets with nothing. These people, the Émigrés, are the ones creating literature during the revolutionary period. This phenomenonaffects writing at this time, and arises ethical and aesthetic questions. The texts written in exile trying to answer these questions create a new sensibility which is going to influence the minds of the 19th century.

The Lesser Evil

2004 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 187-201
Author(s):  
Avishai Margalit
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Moral Philosophy ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Stuart Hampshire ◽  
Lesser Evil ◽  
The French Revolution

‘The Russian Revolution and the National Socialist ascendancy in Germany are the two most important sources of evidence of moral philosophy in our time, as the French Revolution was for Hegel and Marx, and later to Tocqueville and for Mill. Although both revolutions produced, both in intention and in effect, a triumph on a gigantic scale, there are often remarked differences between the evil effects planned and achieved.’ This is an observation made by Stuart Hampshire, a keen philosophical connoisseur of the 20th century.

Mediating Print Culture: Censorship, Revolutionary Journalism and the Manifesto of Equals

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanja Perovic
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Print Culture ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time ◽  
The French Revolution

Freedom of expression and censorship are frequently cast in opposing but symmetrical terms. According to the conventional narrative, the right to free speech was acquired when first the American and then the French Revolution overthrew the repressive censorship apparatus of the ancien régime. However this account of increasing emancipation overlooks the important role played by the French Revolution in establishing a new definition of censorship that was both tolerant of free speech and repressive of political difference. This paper contends that precisely when political representation in the widest possible sense is at stake, freedom of speech cannot be reduced solely to a question of rights. It begins by revisiting the Directory period when the enlightened ideal of an unmediated public sphere openly clashed for the first time with the opposing ideal of an ‘unmediated’ or ‘popular’ sovereignty promoted by the radical press. It then focuses on the Conspiracy of Equals to show how the presumed neutrality of the liberal press was forged by repressing competing understandings of the right to free speech. Rather than assume that revolutionary propaganda is the ‘other’ of liberalism, this paper demonstrates the joint origins of both liberal and revolutionary understandings of free speech in the new censorship laws that attempted to separate the message from the medium of revolution.

The Anatomy of The Saudi Revolution

1974 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
David G. Edens
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
American Revolution ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
English Revolution ◽  
Common Features ◽  
The French Revolution

In his classic study of revolution, Crane Brinton succeeds in uncovering certain common features, or uniformities, which are present in all four of the great Western revolutions. In analysing the English Revolution of the 1640s, the American Revolution, the French Revolution and the more recent Russian Revolution, he employs ‘the fever of revolution’ as a conceptual measure of social disequilibrium. This pathological analogy provides a means of focusing attention upon the key uniformities of revolution.

LACAN, THE PLAGUE

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Roudinesco
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Jacques Lacan ◽  
Original Version ◽  
The World ◽  
First Time ◽  
Hans Hoff ◽  
The French Revolution

Le 7 novembre 1955, à l'invitation du professeur Hans Hoff, qui dirige la Psychiatrisch-Neurologische Universitätsklinik, Jacques Lacan donne une conférence qu'il intitule ‘Le sens du retour à Freud en psychanalyse’. On ne connaît pas la version originelle de ce texte publié pour la première fois en 1956 et repris avec quelques variantes en 1966 sous le titre ‘La chose freudienne ou Sens du retour à Freud en psychanalyse’. Dans cette intervention intitulée ‘Lacan, la peste’, présentée à Vienne en 2005, lors de la célébration du cinquantenaire de la conférence de Lacan, Elisabeth Roudinesco montre comment celui-ci fonde – à travers l'idée que Freud aurait apporté la peste lors de son voyage aux Etats-Unis en 1909 – le mythe d'une représentation révolutionnaire de la théorie freudienne qui colle avec ce qu'elle nomme ‘l’exception française'. La France est en effet le seul pays au monde où, avec les surréalistes, puis avec l'enseignement de Lacan, la doctrine de Freud a été regardée comme une pensée subversive, irréductible à toute forme de psychologie adaptative, au point d'être assimilée à une ‘épidémie’, semblable à ce qu'avait été la Révolution de 1789. At the invitation of Professor Hans Hoff, Director of the Psychiatrisch-Neurologische Universitätsklinik, Jacques Lacan gave on 7 November 1955 a lecture entitled ‘The meaning of the return to Freud in psychoanalysis’. The original version of this paper is unknown though it was published for the first time in 1956 and reprinted in 1966, with some variants, with the title: ‘The Freudian Thing or the meaning of the return to Freud in psychoanalysis’. In a conference entitled ‘Lacan, The Plague’, held in Vienna in 2005, Elisabeth Roudinesco shows how Lacan – through the idea that Freud would have brought the plague with him on his 1909 trip to America – created the myth of a revolutionary representation of Freudian ideas related to ‘the French exception’. France is indeed the only country in the world where – after Surrealism and Lacan' teaching – Freud's doctrine have been seen as a subversive theory, irreducible to any forms of adaptive psychology and assimilated to an epidemic like the French Revolution.

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