scholarly journals Unlawful Occupiers, Eviction and the National State of Disaster: Considering South Africa's Emergency Legislation and Jurisprudence During COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (S2) ◽  
pp. 333-346
Author(s):  
Felix Dube ◽  
Anél du Plessis

AbstractThis article analyses how emergency regulations protected persons living in urban poverty, particularly unlawful occupiers, from eviction during the COVID-19 pandemic in South Africa. It is set against the socio-economic and environmental effects of unlawful occupiers being forced onto the streets through evictions. It examines the judicial interpretation and application of the COVID-19 regulations on the prohibition of the eviction of unlawful occupiers, together with remedies for compensation for demolished dwellings. Ultimately, the article shows that the regulatory and judicial responses to the pandemic were pro-poor and sought to protect human dignity, the right to life, and the right to an environment that is not detrimental to human health and well-being. The responses safeguarded access to housing at a time when many vulnerable people could have been rendered homeless by eviction and the demolition of their dwellings.

2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 411-428
Author(s):  
Michael Plaxton

In Gosselin v. Quebec, the Supreme Court of Canada considered whether the Quebec legislature violated the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms by failing to provide unemployed adults under the age of 30 (young adults) with the level of social assistance provided to other unemployed adults. A majority of the Court concluded that the underinclusive legislation in question was not unconstitutional. The case gave rise, however, to one of the most progressive and intriguing dissenting opinions in Canadian constitutional history-a dissent made all the more interesting by the fact it was written by a judge who would later become the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights: Louise Arbour. Her dissent focused on the proper interpretive approach to s. 7 of the Charter, which states: “Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person and the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.” She argued that the “right to life” contained in s. 7 entails a number of positive rights, including the right to a minimum level of social assistance. This paper argues that Arbour J.’s dissent in Gosselin reveals an inherent flaw with the very concept of rights; namely, that they presuppose the state’s authority to exclude whole populations from the protection of law. The argument has four parts. Part I reads Arbour J.’s approach to the constitutional questions raised in Gosselin as broadly sympathetic to Foucault’s understanding of power in the modern era. Part II claims that Arbour J.’s judgment presumes that formal legal regulations, and not other, informal mechanisms of power, chiefly bear the burden of governing life. Part III examines Agamben’s critique of Foucault to show why Arbour J.’s privileging of state governance of well being is problematic; in particular, that the greater the formalization and centralization of the mechanisms by which life is governed, the greater the prospect of exclusion of groups and classes from rights regimes altogether. Finally, Part IV explains that Arbour J.’s concession to juridification is driven by an inherent problem with rights, and that the difficulties she runs into cannot be avoided; that exclusion from the rights framework is built into the very concept of rights.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-81
Author(s):  
Lawrence Hamilton ◽  

In this article I submit that the pandemic politics of the Covid-19 crisis have unmasked the inadequacies of existing representative democracies. Mixing the experiences and responses of various democracies and thinkers to this crisis, particularly from India and South Africa, I argue that a minimally functioning democracy must do two things at least: ensure the health and well-being of citizens and the equal means competitively to select prudent, empathetic and courageous leaders. For this, I suggest, we need a politics that allows us to express and assess our needs, and determine who is best placed to represent us in responding to these needs, all in non-dominating conditions. To this end, the article also proposes and defends four institutional reforms that would enable a dynamic, anti-oligarchic form of democracy to consistently empower the least powerful and keep elites properly in check.


Obiter ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Moffat Maitele Ndou

The preamble of the Domestic Violence Act (116 of 1998) (DVA) recognises that domestic violence is a serious social evil and that there are high incidences of domestic violence in South Africa. The preamble further recognises that:a) victims of domestic violence are among the most vulnerable members of society;b) domestic violence takes many forms and may be committed in a wide range of domestic relationships; andc) the remedies previously available to victims of domestic violence have proved to be ineffective.The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (the Constitution) provides various rights that are also applicable to victims of domestic violence. The Constitution guarantees the right to dignity and to freedom and security of the person (see ss 10 and 12 of the Constitution respectively). Domestic violence against any person is a violation of these rights. The DVA further recognises that South Africa has international commitments to end violence against women and children in terms of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. A right not to be subjected to domestic violence may not be specifically mentioned in international human rights law instruments, but freedom from all kinds of violence and the right to equality and human dignity is generally emphasised.The purpose of the DVA is to provide a legal remedy in the form of an interdict that prohibits a person from violating the rights of the complainant. In order to give effect to this purpose, section 7(1) of the DVA provides that the court may grant a protection order to protect the rights of the complainant. Section 7(2) of the DVA further grants the court the power to impose any additional conditions that it deems reasonably necessary to protect and provide for the safety, health or well-being of the complainant.In KS v AM (2018 (1) SACR 240 (GJ)), the court found that section 7(2) of the DVA empowered the court to order the seizure of the respondent’s digital equipment to remove any photograph, video, audio and/or records relating to the complainant. This case note examines the decision in KS v AM (supra) and determines whether the decision is justifiable in law. The definition of domestic violence is discussed first and thereafter the remedies available in terms of the DVA are examined. A discussion of the judgment in KS v AM (supra) follows.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toni C. Antonucci ◽  
James A. Ashton-Miller ◽  
Jennifer Brant ◽  
Emily B. Falk ◽  
Jeffrey B. Halter ◽  
...  

This paper addresses the health problems and opportunities that society will face in 2030. We propose a proactive model to combat the trend towards declining levels of physical activity and increasing obesity. The model emphasizes the need to increase physical activity among individuals of all ages. We focus on the right to move and the benefits of physical activity. The paper introduces a seven-level model that includes cells, creature (individual), clan (family), community, corporation, country, and culture. At each level the model delineates how increased or decreased physical activity influences health and well-being across the life span. It emphasizes the importance of combining multiple disciplines and corporate partners to produce a multifaceted cost-effective program that increases physical activity at all levels. The goal of this paper is to recognize exercise as a powerful, low-cost solution with positive benefits to cognitive, emotional, and physical health. Further, the model proposes that people of all ages should incorporate the “right to move” into their life style, thereby maximizing the potential to maintain health and well-being in a cost-effective, optimally influential manner.


2020 ◽  
pp. 263145412097590
Author(s):  
Nimitha Menon ◽  
Amy Laverock ◽  
Kristin Parker

Human capital is undoubtedly one of the main engines of any successful business, and there is nothing more critical to the overall health of a business than ensuring health and safety of its people. Employers are uniquely positioned to improve health and safety through the workplace, yet many organisations struggle to decode the right formula for impactful initiatives and measuring success. It is particularly timely, as the ‘new normal’ of work has pushed workforce well-being up to the top of the priority list. Evidence supports that a healthy and safe workforce can provide a competitive business advantage by positively impacting productivity, business output, sustainability and corporate brand and reputation. The article shares insights into the evolving well-being risk, social profile and medical trends globally with country-specific highlights. We delve into the survey findings on employer and employee perspective of well-being and expectation on the solutions that can support in ensuring overall well-being.


Author(s):  
L. W. Sumner

What is the right to life? Making the case in favor of physician-assisted death was a relatively straightforward exercise. Whether it took a consequentialist or a deontological form, the argument appealed to the two basic values of patient well-being and patient autonomy, the same values...


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