The Trouble with Taiwan: History, the United States and a Rising China. By Kerry Brown and Kalley Wu Tzu Hui. London: Zed Books, 2019. 246 pp. ISBN: 9781786995223 (cloth).

2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-173
Author(s):  
Yu-Jie Chen
2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (01) ◽  
pp. 78-86
Author(s):  
Peng Er LAM

Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and his allies have unprecedentedly secured a twothirds majority in both houses of parliament, which allows Abe to revise the country’s post-war pacifist constitution and paves the way for Japan to become a “normal” state playing a larger security role in international affairs. Donald Trump’s surprise presidential victory caused great uncertainty in Japan about its alliance with the United States in the midst of a rising China and power transition in East Asia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
John Mueller

The establishment and maintenance of any existing �world order� is primarily based on a general aversion to international war and does not depend on the United States. This perspective disputes two explanations that rely heavily on American activities. One contends that the United States, aided perhaps by the attention- arresting fear of nuclear weapons, was necessary to provide worldwide security and thus to order the world. The other contends that the United States was instrumental, indeed vital, in constructing international institutions, conventions, and norms, in advancing economic development, and in expanding democracy, and that these processes have crucially helped to establish and maintain a degree of international peace. This article traces the rise of an aversion to international war and argues that this, not US efforts, should be seen as the primary causative or facilitating independent variable in the decline of international war. This perspective also suggests that world order can survive, or work around, challenges that might be thrown at it by the United States or anyone else, that fears that a rising China or an assertive Russia will upset the order are overdrawn, that there is scarcely any need for the maintenance of a large military force in being, and that, under the right conditions, international anarchy, could well be a desirable state.


Author(s):  
Christopher Layne

The chapter compares the pre-1914 Anglo-German antagonism with the current Sino-American relationship to address two issues. First, does the rise of new great powers lead to war? Second, are rising great powers prone to challenge the existing international order into which they emerge—that is, are rising great powers “revisionists”? China’s rapid ascent has pushed these two questions to the top of the agendas of both international relations scholars and policy makers alike. This chapter shows that the United States and China are on a collision course. Like Britain and Germany before World War I, the United States and China seem fated, at best, to engage in an intense security competition; at worst, war between them is a real possibility. One reason the Sino-American rivalry is intensifying is because a rising China inevitably will seek to revise the current international order that the United States established after World War II.


Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

This chapter examines the types of challenges that rising states might bring to struggles over international order with a view to the distinctive character of the American-led liberal order and the ways in which this existing order creates constraints and incentives for a rising China. This is contextualized by the geopolitical setting in which China is situated. The chapter argues that even as China faces constraints on the pursuit of a revisionist agenda, it finds incentives to operate within a liberal-oriented international order. China and the United States seem destined to clash over the terms of order in East Asia. But it is a clash that will unfold in a different world-historical setting than past power transitions. The rise of China may bring to an end the era of American hegemony—but it will be harder for China to end the liberal world order that the American era wrought.


Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-20
Author(s):  
Terence Roehrig

In 2020, the United States sought to implement its policy of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific to address the challenge of a rising China. US–China antagonism increased, spurred on by economic tensions and concerns for Beijing’s actions with respect to Hong Kong, Taiwan, the South China Sea, and the Uighurs, with all this occurring in the context of the global pandemic. As the Trump administration came to a close, the most pressing question was how the turn to great power competition, which intensified in 2020, would evolve under a Biden administration.


Subject China and the United States in the world economy. Significance China's nominal GDP could substantially exceed that of the United States by 2030. Chinese manufacturers have already surpassed their US counterparts in some key industries and are rapidly closing the gap in others. Impacts The United States is likely to increase its lead in the global commercial services market. The United States will remain the world leader in household wealth, gross overseas financial assets and scale of overseas investment. China will become more important than the United States as an international lender.


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