Japan in 2016: Domestic Political Stability, Greater External Uncertainty

2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (01) ◽  
pp. 78-86
Author(s):  
Peng Er LAM
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Normal State ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Rising China ◽  
Post War

Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and his allies have unprecedentedly secured a twothirds majority in both houses of parliament, which allows Abe to revise the country’s post-war pacifist constitution and paves the way for Japan to become a “normal” state playing a larger security role in international affairs. Donald Trump’s surprise presidential victory caused great uncertainty in Japan about its alliance with the United States in the midst of a rising China and power transition in East Asia.

Book Reviews: Political Ideas, Hobbes's Science of Politics, Adam Ferguson: The History of Civil Society, The Works of Joseph De Maistre, Rosa Luxemburg, Marxism in Modern France, Marxist Ideology in the Contemporary World, The Moral Challenge of Communism, The Principles of Politics, Pacifism: An Historical and Sociological Study, The Pacifist Conscience, Pacifisme Et Internationalisms, Non-Violent Action: Theory and Practice, The Mafia and Politics, The Honoured Society, The Foundations of Freedom, The Real World of Democracy, The Left in Europe since 1789, Conflict in Society, The Study of Society, Communication and Political Power, Greater London: The Politics of Metropolitan Reform, Guide to Decision: The Royal Commission, Tizard, A Peril and a Hope, The Scientific Estate, Cases and Materials on Constitutional and Administrative Law, Occasional Papers on Social Administration: No, Land Values, Pensions and Public Servants, Public Sector Pensions, The Responsible Society: The Ideas of Guild Socialism, The Growth of the British Party System, The Government of Northern Ireland: Public Finance and Public Services 1921–1964, An Atlas of European Affairs, Nordic Cooperation: Conference Organised by The Nordic Council at Hasselby, 2–4 June 1965, L'Union Economique Belgo—Luxembourgeoise: Experiences Et Perspectives D'Avenir, Western European Integration, Walter Hallstein: Bibliographie Seiner Veroffent-Lichungen, Europäische Gegenwart: Schriften Zur Europapo-Litik, Columbia Essays in International Affairs, European Challenge. Tuairim Pamphlet No. 11, The Uneasy Entente, The European Idea, Atomic Energy Policy in France under the Fourth Republic, Private Interest and Public Policy, Verbände Und Gesetzgebung, Wohin Treibt Die Bundesrepublik?, The Germans and their Modern History, Wirtschaft Und Politik in Deutschland, Demogratic Parties in the Low Countries and Germany, The Political Vocation, Private Power and American Democracy, The National Guard in Politics, Envoy Extraordinary, Nehru: A Contemporary's Estimate, The Philosophy of Mr. Nehru, Nehru: The Years of Power, Apprentice to Power: India, 1904–1908, Dawn of Renascent India, The Congress Ideology and Programme, 1920–47, South Asian Affairs, Number Two: The Movement for National Freedom in India, The Political Philosophy of M. N. Roy, Sarojini Naidu: A Biography, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (1884–1911), Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Gandhi and the Nuclear Age, Research on the Bureaucracy of Pakistan, Political Development in Pakistan, Buddhism or Communism, Religion and Politics in Burma, Communism in Africa, African Powder Keg, The Political Awakening of Africa, Pan-Africanism and East African Integration, Britain and the Commonwealth, Governments of the Commonwealth, Commonwealth for a Colour-Blind World, Unscrambling an Empire, A Decade of the Commonwealth, 1955–1964, The Establishment of the Department of Trade: A Case-Study in Administrative Organization, Administrative Questions and Political Answers, Planning and Forecasting in New Zealand, Decisions: Case Studies in Australian Administration, Economic Development, Politics of the Developing Nations, The Rise and Fall of Western Colonialism, The Political Basis of Economic Development, Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, Mathematics and Politics, The New Utopians, Symbols of American Community 1735–1775, The Case of Richard Sorge, An Instance of Treason, The Roots of Appeasement, Silesia, Yesterday and Today, Teuton and Slav, The Transfer of the Sudeten Germans, The Reluctant Ally, Rumania: Russia's Dissident Ally, The New Eastern Europe, Problems of National Strategy, Decision-Making for Deffnce, International Political Communication, Propaganda and the Cold War, The Effect of Independence on Treaties, United Nations and Domestic Jurisdiction, Cambridge Essays in International Law, The Inductive Approach to International Law, Politics and Power, Eine Welt Oder Keine?, The Dynamics of International Organization: The Making of World Order, International Behaviour: A Social-Psychological Analysis, Diplomatic Investigations, Theory and the International System, Annihilation and Utopia, The State of War, Nationalism Old and New, Dimensions Du Nationalisme, Protest in Tokyo: The Security Treaty Crisis of 1960, Soviet Strategies in South-East Asia, Defeating Communist Insurgency, towards Peace in Indo-China, South Vietnam: Nation under Stress, Communism in North Vietnam, Vietnam: History, Documents and Opinions on a Major World Crisis, Vietnam and the United States, Thailand and the Struggle for South-East Asia, Thailand and the United States, South-East Asia's Second Front, South Asia, International Economic Integration, Communist Economic Challenge, The Third World, The Economics of Competitive Coexistence, U.S, The Western Hemisphere Idea: Its Rise and Decline, American Support of Free Elections Abroad, The United States and Latin American Wars 1932–1942, The Unwritten Alliance, The Pan-American Federation of Labor, A Latin American Common Market?, Proceedings of a Seminar on Commonwealth Responsibilities for Security in the Indo-Pacific Region. Australian Institute of International Affairs and the Australian National University Defence Studies Project, The Anzus Treaty Alliance, Australian Policies and Attitudes Towards China, World Politics in the General Assembly, The United Nations in the Balance, United Nations: Then and now, The Glasshouse: The United Nations in Action, The Trauma of Decolonization: The Dutch and West New Guinea, De L'Impérialisme À La Décolonisation, Self-Determination Revisited in the Era of Decolonisation, The Elephants and the Grass, Afro-Asia and Non-Alignment

1967 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-289
Author(s):  
Michael Levin ◽  
J. W. N. Watkins ◽  
A. S. Skinner ◽  
Alan Ryan ◽  
John Plamenatz ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
United Nations ◽  
East Asia ◽  
International Law ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
International Affairs

I. Organizing the Government for Participation in World Affairs

1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 913-930 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter H. C. Laves ◽  
Francis O. Wilcox
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War

Looking at the post-war period, it seems obvious that the government of the United States will give more attention to foreign affairs than it has in any comparable period of American history. How can the machinery for conducting foreign relations best be organized to meet these increasing responsibilities?The conduct of foreign relations in the modern world is no simple matter. Technical experts, intelligence systems, ability to negotiate, national political stability, a large and loyal staff of public servants—these are but some of the national requisites for effective participation in world affairs. The mobilization and organization of the best staff resources in the country, the negotiation of national policies, and then of international agreements, constitute a formidable task under any system of government.The conduct of foreign relations is, of course, easiest in a completely authoritarian state. It is made immeasurably more difficult by any division of authority. In most non-authoritarian governments, some division of authority has been found desirable, even at the expense of occasional awkwardness of procedure, because thereby the dangers of usurpation of power are minimized. The United States has gone farther than any democratic country in dividing responsibility in foreign affairs. Not only is there the usual distinction between legislative and executive authority, but the independence of the two branches has been so far underlined that the achievement of over-all government policies (as distinct from legislative and executive policies) is extremely difficult unless the party relationships are just right between the two ends of Pennsylvania Avenue.

scholarly journals China’s Project for Greater Eurasia

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-20
Author(s):  
A. Vinogradov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Practical Implementation ◽  
Active Member ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Implementation Challenges ◽  
Governance Institutions ◽  
Development Paths ◽  
The Right

The Chinese dream of great Rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is inseparable from the restoration of China's positions on the international arena, primarily in East Asia and in Eurasia. Since the beginning of reforms in 1978, Beijing has constantly expanded its contacts with the outside world, at first as a promising and capacious market for industrial equipment, technologies and investment, and since the beginning of the 21st century as an active member of the global governance institutions. Multilateral formats have allowed China to accumulate significant experience in participating in international affairs, especially at the regional level. At the global level, China's activity was constrained not only by opposition from the United States, but also by the specific character of Chinese civilization and its development model. In this context, the concept of "community of the common destiny of mankind" put forward by Xi Jinping did not mean universalization and unification, but, on the contrary, the right of countries and regions to a variety of development paths and forms of international interaction between small, medium and great powers. The rivalry between China and the United States in Asia does not only mean a struggle for leadership in the region, it also means a clash of two concepts of the international order, built on different approaches and values. The Belt and Road project, originally proposed as two regional, unrelated initiatives for Central and South-East Asia, has evolved after their combination into China's first global foreign policy strategy. Its practical implementation challenges Russia's integration efforts in the post-Soviet space and requires both countries to search for new tools and forms of interaction.

Siam: a bone of contention between Britain and the United States, 1942–46

1982 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
J. E. Williams
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Small Country ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Remarkable Degree ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Post War ◽  
Effective Contribution

Siam's only effective contribution to the war in Asia was to act as a jumping-off ground for the invasion of Burma and as a base for Japanese forces operating in Malaya, Yet this small country found itself at the centre of an increasingly acrimonious debate between London and Washington. This was no briefer simple misunderstanding between allies. The. problem began in 1942 and dragged on well into 1946, Its real cause was obviously not the conduct of the Siamese9 but sharply contrasting perceptions of previous roles in Asia and of national interests in the post-war world. It was a dispute that demonstrated how difficult it was to get Anglo-American political and military collaboration in South-East Asia., as long as Britain remained an imperial power9 at the very time when the war was engendering in Europe a remarkable degree of co-operation between the two countries.

The Syria-Israel Negotiations: Who Is Telling the Truth?

2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Seale
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Royal Institute ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Comprehensive Account ◽  
Two Sides

On 8 December 1999, President Clinton announced that Syrian-Israeli negotiations were to resume "where they left off" and "on the basis of all previous negotiations between the United States and Syria-I mean between Syria and Israel, and with the United States" (see Doc. C). The president's statement did not, however, give any detail as to what the two sides had actually agreed to when the talks ended in March 1996, including Syria's contention that Prime Ministers Rabin and Peres had committed Israel to full withdrawal from the Golan to the 4 June 1967 frontier. It is for this reason that the following account of the negotiations, by Asad's biographer Patrick Seale, is so important. Based on American and Syrian sources, Seale's article is the most extensive and comprehensive account of the Israeli "commitment" ever published. First delivered as a lecture at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), London, on 23 November 1999, it was published in three installments in the pan-Arab daily al-Hayat on 21, 22, and 23 November and was immediately picked up in the Israeli press; Yedi'ot Aharonot published large extracts in its four-page spread on the report. It is noteworthy that neither Prime Minister Barak norformer prime minister Peres denied the veracity of Seale's account. Barak simply stated, "The Americans, the Syrians, and the Israelis are aware of what took place," while Peres limited himself to commenting, "I endorsed everything that Rabin committed himself to." Patrick Seale, a British writer and Middle East expert, is credited with having a role in restarting the process following Prime Minister Barak's. election, carrying a series of "messages" between Barak and Asad in June 1999. The text was slightly amended and shortened with the approval of the author.

The Tanaka Memorial (1927): authentic or spurious?

1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 733-745
Author(s):  
John J. Stephan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Recent History ◽  
The Pacific

Few documents in recent history have provoked such controversy as the so-called ‘Tanaka Memorial’. ‘Document’ is perhaps a misnomer, for the original (assuming that there was one) has never been seen by anyone willing to admit its existence. The memorial is said to be a 13,000-word secret petition presented by Prime Minister Baron Tanaka Giichi to Emperor Hirohito on 25 July 1927 outlining a program of economic penetration into Manchuria, China, and Mongolia that would prepare for Japan's subjection of Asia and Europe. Exposed by the Chinese in 1929, the document gained global notoriety during the 1930s. Over vehement Japanese objections and disclaimers, it was translated and circulated in Europe and the United States. Grandiose designs expressed in a language that might have aroused incredulity or mirth in calmer times sounded uncomfortably authentic in the context of Japanese behavior in East Asia and the Pacific between 1931 and 1945.

The Tanaka Memorial (1927): authentic or spurious?

1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 733-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. Stephan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Recent History ◽  
The Pacific

Few documents in recent history have provoked such controversy as the so-called ‘Tanaka Memorial’. ‘Document’ is perhaps a misnomer, for the original (assuming that there was one) has never been seen by anyone willing to admit its existence. The memorial is said to be a 13,000-word secret petition presented by Prime Minister Baron Tanaka Giichi to Emperor Hirohito on 25 July 1927 outlining a program of economic penetration into Manchuria, China, and Mongolia that would prepare for Japan's subjection of Asia and Europe. Exposed by the Chinese in 1929, the document gained global notoriety during the 1930s. Over vehement Japanese objections and disclaimers, it was translated and circulated in Europe and the United States. Grandiose designs expressed in a language that might have aroused incredulity or mirth in calmer times sounded uncomfortably authentic in the context of Japanese behavior in East Asia and the Pacific between 1931 and 1945.

Modi seeks to rebuild India's flagging ASEAN ties

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
South Asian ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Regional Transport ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Common ◽  
Border Areas

Subject Outlook for India-ASEAN ties. Significance Speaking at the ASEAN-India and East Asia summits in Vientiane in September, India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi singled out South-east Asia as central to India's 'Act East' policy, referring to the "common strategic priorities of securing our societies and bringing peace, stability and prosperity to the region". India has also upgraded defence links with Vietnam, signalling that it seeks a more proactive stance against China's economic influence and territorial assertiveness in South-east Asia. Impacts Regional transport corridors would help ASEAN manufacturers develop supply chains and attract South Asian investment. However, such corridors face security constraints, especially around border areas. India's deepening security ties with the United States, Japan and Australia will help it advance defence relations in South-east Asia.

B1. PALESTINIAN PM MAHMUD ABBAS, LETTER OF RESIGNATION TO PA HEAD YASIR ARAFAT, RAMALLAH, 6 SEPTEMBER 2003.

2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-165
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Security Forces

By late August, the crisis that had been brewing between the prime minister and president came to a head; Abbas's government, though backed by the United States, had been undermined during its four months in office by deterioration on the ground and continuing tensions with Arafat, which centered in particular on control of the Palestinian security forces. Abbas's letter of resignation, published in al-Hayat on 9 September, was translated in Mideast Mirror the same day.

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