Journal Of Global Strategic Studies
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Published By Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu Politik (FISIP) Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani (UNJANI)

2798-4427

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-77
Author(s):  
Corey Wallace

The increased frequency of debate in Japan over foreign territory strike points to it being officially affirmed as a Japanese Self-Defense Force (SDF) mission in the near future. This article explores the foreign territory strike debate through the lens of the four key questions that have structured the post-war debate on all new overseas SDF operations: is it constitutional?; is it (militarily) plausible?; is it (strategically) wise?; and, is it (politically) acceptable? After discussing the contours of the Japanese post-war legal and policy debate on the use of force in foreign territory, the article describes contemporary doubts over the tactical effectiveness and strategic opportunity cost of configuring the SDF to conduct overseas strike operations—especially for missile defense purposes. Foreign territory strike would divert scarce fiscal resources and political attention from adaptations that enhance the US-Japan alliance’s posture resilience and enable it to sustainably generate force even after an initial attack, thereby augmenting regional deterrence. The article concludes by noting that political barriers could also still prevent the mission from being substantively and credibly implemented. Acrimonious domestic debate on foreign territory strike could also hamstring government attempts to attract public buy-in for future defense transformation in areas of greater priority and that add more to deterrence than the acquisition of modest strike capabilities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-190
Author(s):  
Donald Greenlees

Indonesia has a long history of conflict with roots in ethnic, religious, communal and political difference. This was the inevitable consequence of unresolved tensions when the Republic of Indonesia was born in 1945. While a variety of differences over the nature of the state have emerged over the past 76 years, none have been more protracted or resistant to solution than those over religion. In a country where Islam commands the adherence of 87 percent of the population, but five other religions are officially recognized, it is not surprising that these divides should persist.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. i-iii
Author(s):  
Yohanes Sulaiman
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 78-91
Author(s):  
Marianne Delanova

Indonesia’s foreign policy is dynamic, especially in the COVID-19 Pandemic Era. When Indonesia experienced an increase in COVID-19 cases, it identified it as a foreign policy issue requiring attention. It focused on promoting national health resilience in health care as one way to protect the Indonesian state during the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of this paper is to explain and analyze Indonesia’s health diplomacy as an instrument of Indonesia’s foreign policy in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. It argues that, so far, the results of Indonesia’s health-focused approach are good and in line with Indonesia’s national interests. Indonesia’s active role and involvement in international forums has a diplomatic purpose but has also helped other countries. This indicates that the health diplomacy carried out by Indonesia has had a major impact on regional and global stability. In addition, Indonesia’s health diplomacy has resulted in it receiving assistance in the form of medical devices and vaccines provided by other countries for handling COVID-19 in Indonesia. Indonesia was also the driving force in the initiation in the 75th United Nations General Assembly of measures giving voice to the availability of medical devices and vaccine equality for all countries in the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-112
Author(s):  
Quinissa Putrirezhy

The rise of the US-led Quad alliance in 2017 will be a test for ASEAN. Southeast Asia is at the center of a simmering strategic rivalry between the two world superpowers, the US and China. China's meteoric economic ascendence on the global stage has shifted the balance of global power in today's geopolitics. This article seeks to examine the potential of how the Quad may shake the ASEAN's unity and centrality as a result of China's rise. Beijing has expanded its influence throughout Southeast Asia and is by now easily ASEAN's largest trading partner, while at the same time it has aggressively asserted its pseudohistorical irredentist claims in the South China Sea, a vital route for regional trade, creating territorial disputes with some ASEAN member countries. This article found that the geopolitical situation in Southeast Asia is likely to grow more difficult, perhaps affecting Southeast Asia's policy of non-alignment. Some argue that the Quad will bring balance in the Asia Pacific; however, this view will inevitably change if some ASEAN countries in favor of FOIP decide to join the Quad, either formally or informally, and work together to attempt to counterbalance China, which would leave ASEAN itself torn apart.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-146
Author(s):  
Miftachul Choir

Neo-realism predicted the state will choose a certain balancing strategy accordingly to the given strategic environment and the relative power of respective states. Since Southeast Asia recognized as informal and norm-based regionalism, state balancing strategy will maximize the regional organization as a means to restraining member state's behavior and managing basic interaction within states. However, neo-realism unable to explain why states would not adopting the expected balancing strategy despite already obtained necessary international pressure and relative power. This condition occurred in Indonesia’s foreign policy toward ASEAN, especially on combating illegal fishing disputes. Ever since the foundation of the regional group, Indonesia has applied the ASEAN-led mechanism as a means to the dispute. However, the regional distribution of power and Jakarta’s relative power do not change but Indonesia’s balancing strategy does. To explain such conditions, this research will employ neo-classical realism to examine why Indonesia not adopting an institutional balancing strategy. Neoclassical-realist argued that it is the intervening variable that determined the state’s balancing strategy. This research will analyze Indonesia’s intervening variable using Randall Scwheller’s elite consensus framework and found out the shift of Indonesia's balancing strategy occurred due to elite dissensus on how perceiving ASEAN as a regional group


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-29
Author(s):  
Srabani Roychoudhury

Quad is not a formal treaty, and for its members, it is not the only platform in Asia. It has brought like-minded maritime democracies together to create a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. It has responded to disaster crises and the pandemic more promptly than China’s aggressive moves in the Indo-Pacific region. This article aims to understand the origin of ‘the Quad’ referred to as Quad 1.0 and its failure in 2007 and re-emergence of it as Quad 2.0. Quad 2.0 is further divided into the pre-pandemic Quad 2.1 and pandemic onset Quad 2.2. This article articulates the trajectory that Quad has traversed to reach Summit level meetings and its pursued agenda. The latest development in this arena is forming a trilateral agreement between Australia, the United States and the United Kingdom (AUKUS). This article questions the role of Quad in view of the formation of AUKUS and draw on its implications. It concludes that Quad has faltered in answering the security concern, paving the way for AUKUS. Quad’s role is likely to turn towards a developmental paradigm of ‘productive global public good’. In the long run, this will help create an equitable cohesive region and realize the ambition of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
John Mueller

The establishment and maintenance of any existing �world order� is primarily based on a general aversion to international war and does not depend on the United States. This perspective disputes two explanations that rely heavily on American activities. One contends that the United States, aided perhaps by the attention- arresting fear of nuclear weapons, was necessary to provide worldwide security and thus to order the world. The other contends that the United States was instrumental, indeed vital, in constructing international institutions, conventions, and norms, in advancing economic development, and in expanding democracy, and that these processes have crucially helped to establish and maintain a degree of international peace. This article traces the rise of an aversion to international war and argues that this, not US efforts, should be seen as the primary causative or facilitating independent variable in the decline of international war. This perspective also suggests that world order can survive, or work around, challenges that might be thrown at it by the United States or anyone else, that fears that a rising China or an assertive Russia will upset the order are overdrawn, that there is scarcely any need for the maintenance of a large military force in being, and that, under the right conditions, international anarchy, could well be a desirable state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-36
Author(s):  
Saiful Mujani ◽  
R. William Liddle

Are Asian democracies deconsolidating, in line with world-wide trends? This article examines four consolidated democracies in Asia: Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, plus Indonesia, whose own consolidation has been problematic. Using public opinion data, we evaluate two competing models�civic culture and political economy�to test whether there is a decline in democratic support. We report that the political economy model is more persuasive. Declines in democratic support are associated more consistently with democratic performance and education. Because education levels are tending to rise, and political socialization continues into adulthood, we conclude that there should be little fear that Asian democracies will deconsolidate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-126
Author(s):  
Mariane Olivia Delanova ◽  
Yanyan Mochamad Yani

Indonesia as one of the countries that is included in the Indo-Pacific Region has an important role in creating security stability in the Region. As the center point of the Indo-Pacific, Indonesia certainly thinks about the right defense strategy to be able to play an active role in the region. Undoubtedly, this action will be related to Indonesia's free-and-active foreign policy. As a region that has strategic points, countries in the Indo-Pacific Region carry out an agenda to be able to solve problems in a peaceful way by increasing mutual trust. Naturally, it will make the Indo-Pacific Region as a central region in the future. Based on the findings, Indonesia's foreign policy takes part in an active role at the international level by promoting the concept of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Region to increase mutual trust between countries. In addition, countries in the region participate in mutually beneficial openness in order to create security stability in the region. Indonesia's foreign policy is considered to be appropriate and useful in the midst of situations in competing for having influence in the region. Thus, Indonesia's role in the Indo-Pacific cannot be separated from the character of Indonesia's current foreign policy which emphasizes �middle power� and leadership in the region.


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