Foreign Debt and Prospects for Growth in Africa During the 1980s

1985 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adebayo Adedeji

One of the major objectives sought by the New International Economic Order is to secure favourable conditions for the transfer of resources to the Third World, and to ensure that they are fully utilised for the development of the countries concerned.1 However, the unprecedented growth of the global economy since World War II has not been equitably distributed between the rich and poor nations. Unfortunately, within this international scenario, the increasing external indebtedness of the latter has had, and still has, wide-ranging domestic implications that have rocked the foundations on which many African economies stand.

1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet G. Vaillant

The idea that Russia was the first underdeveloped country has begun to gain currency among political scientists. It implies that social processes in Russia may be profitably compared with more recent developments in the Third World. In this article I would like to test this hypothesis with respect to an important ideological controversy which took place in Russia during the nineteenth century by examining it alongside discussions among French-speaking West Africans in the period after World War II. More particularly, I would like to compare what might be called the neo-traditional themes and anti-western patriotism of the Slavophiles with the intellectual position taken by the early spokesmen of négritude.


1984 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-88
Author(s):  
Stephen D. Krasner

Marc Williams' ‘The Third World and global reform’ raises several fundamental questions about my analysis of the Third World's quest for a New International Economic Order. His most serious criticisms are that I (1) misunderstood the relationship between politics and economics; (2) covertly endorse an orthodox liberal policy prescription for the North; and (3) mis-state the implications that can be drawn from data on the economic situation of developing countries. I will address each of these issues.


1987 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
George W. Breslauer

SINCE World War II, Soviet policy in the Third World has gone through regular, frequent cycles, marked by different emphases in the choice of foreign policy targets and by different expectations about the nature and magnitude of the gain to be had from foreign policy initiatives. Stalin was generally disinterested in global competition in regions that were assumed to be dominated by the “imperialist” camp; he tended (with some exceptions) to deny support to nationalist regimes and radical social movements alike. Khrushchev's break-out into the Third World in the 1950's focused on nationalist regimes (India, Indonesia, Ghana, etc.) as well as radical social movements (“national liberation movements”); it was based on the expectation that, in the near future, there would be a large number of socialist states in the Third World, and that they would become allies of the socialist camp against the imperialist camp.


1975 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Mack

The purpose of this essay is to provide a brief overview of the theory and practice of counterinsurgency in the Third World since World War II. Given the obvious limitations of space, descriptions of particular COIN (counterinsurgency) campaigns have been avoided except to illustrate an argument. Furthermore, this essay concentrates primarily on U.S. counterinsurgency doctrines and methods. This is not to underestimate the contributions – both theoretical and practical – made by the former colonial powers in attempting to crush the impulse to national liberation in the Third World. But the European powers – with the recent exception of Portugal – had, by the beginning of the 1960s, neither the capability nor (following a number of humiliating setbacks) much enthusiasm for further military adventures in the Third World. There have, of course, been exceptions – the French in Mali, Britain in Borneo and the Anguilla affair – but these pale into insignificance when compared with the American counterinsurgency effort in the Third World, which began to gather impetus just as the major European colonial powers were abdicating their former role as Third World policemen.1


1979 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samir Amin

In this brief paper, the author shows how the Third World demand for a New International Economic Order (in other words, a more sensible and equitable revision of the existing international division of labour) is consistent, not only within itself, but also with the principle professed by the West itself (viz. that the purpose of division of labour is to make the best use of factor endowments to ensure maximum profitability and common good). In rejecting the demand, the West is repudiating its own conventional wisdom. Aware that implicit in the demand for an international redivision of labour is a demand for international redivision of political power (to which the West, long used to a position of dominance, is not likely to agree willingly), the author suggests a strategy for the Third World to wage its struggle, severally and collectively, on both the political and the economic planes.


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