A reply

1984 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-88
Author(s):  
Stephen D. Krasner

Marc Williams' ‘The Third World and global reform’ raises several fundamental questions about my analysis of the Third World's quest for a New International Economic Order. His most serious criticisms are that I (1) misunderstood the relationship between politics and economics; (2) covertly endorse an orthodox liberal policy prescription for the North; and (3) mis-state the implications that can be drawn from data on the economic situation of developing countries. I will address each of these issues.

1985 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adebayo Adedeji

One of the major objectives sought by the New International Economic Order is to secure favourable conditions for the transfer of resources to the Third World, and to ensure that they are fully utilised for the development of the countries concerned.1 However, the unprecedented growth of the global economy since World War II has not been equitably distributed between the rich and poor nations. Unfortunately, within this international scenario, the increasing external indebtedness of the latter has had, and still has, wide-ranging domestic implications that have rocked the foundations on which many African economies stand.


1979 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samir Amin

In this brief paper, the author shows how the Third World demand for a New International Economic Order (in other words, a more sensible and equitable revision of the existing international division of labour) is consistent, not only within itself, but also with the principle professed by the West itself (viz. that the purpose of division of labour is to make the best use of factor endowments to ensure maximum profitability and common good). In rejecting the demand, the West is repudiating its own conventional wisdom. Aware that implicit in the demand for an international redivision of labour is a demand for international redivision of political power (to which the West, long used to a position of dominance, is not likely to agree willingly), the author suggests a strategy for the Third World to wage its struggle, severally and collectively, on both the political and the economic planes.


1984 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
Marc A. Williams

Professor Krasner's article ‘Third World vulnerabilities and global negotiations’ in the October issue of the Review (Vol. 9, no. 4) is an attempt to provide an alternative way of thinking about the North-South dialogue. The central thesis is that Third World states are concerned with power rather than wealth; that politics and not economics is the overriding determinant of their motivation in seeking changes in the international economic order, Krasner therefore urges Northern states to approach global negotiations with caution and to begin discussions only in those limited areas seen as capable of satisfying mutual economic interests. Indeed Krasner's article reads like a policy document; a paper prepared to catch the eye of the Reagan administration perhaps? Underpinning his analysis is the notion of Third World vulnerability. It is the internal and external vulnerability of these regimes, we are told, which best explains their policy positions.


1977 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Smith

The demand by Third World countries for a “new international economic order” also has its political dimension. Do the threats of commodity cartels, debt defaults, and investment expropriation reflect a fundamental shift in the balance of power between North and South? This paper argues, to the contrary, that the power of the South is quite limited. An analysis of trade, financing, and investment relations between North and South reveals the latter's clearly subordinate position, which is all the more weakened by the fragile political-administrative structures of many Third World regimes. Nevertheless, the demands being made should in some form be accommodated since they serve Northern interests in two important respects: they potentially allow the North new means of leverage in relations with the South; and they offer the North the opportunity to coordinate its various policies and interests in regard to the Third World. Had the South not called for a new international economic order, the North should have pressed for one.


1981 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 440-445
Author(s):  
M. S. Agwani ◽  
P. R. Chari ◽  
A. N. Abhyankar

Roger D. Speed : Strategic Deterrence in the 1980's. Hoover Institution Press, Stanford, California, 1979, 174 p., $7.95. Karl Brunner, Ed.: The First World and the Third World: Essays on the New International Economic Order. University of Rochester, New York, 1978, 270p., $9.95.


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