Political Assassination by Other Means: Public Protest, Sorcery and Morality in Thailand

2005 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ananda Rajah

Since 1989 ‘rites of cursing’, derived from Northern Thai folk-religious practices, have become common in public protests and demonstrations in Thailand. This essay argues that the employment of these practices and associated beliefs as aspects of civil society and contemporary nation-state making in the Thai context can only be understood in terms of the internal logic of sorcery and embedded conceptions of morality.

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
Azyumardi Azra

<p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This article affirms the relevance of multicultural education in the endeavour to construct nationalistic ideals that covers four pillars: Pancasila, the Unitary State of Indonesia, the 1945 Constitution, and Unity in Diversity. Even though the conception of nation-state based on Pancasila has become the national consensus since 1945, it must be admitted that lately nationalistic ideals have increasingly been threatened by primordialistic religious practices. The formation of a multicultural society in Indonesia that is based on nationalistic ideals must be conducted systematically, structurally, integrally, and sustainably. In that context the approach of multicultural education is very relevant. Specifically, the concept of multicultural education includes acknowledgement of individual cultural differences of minority groups. The concept of multicultural education contains aspirations as well as efforts to respect the dignity of each person.</p><p><br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> nationalistic ideas, Pancasila, national identity, multicultural education, diversity, multiculturalism, civil society</p>


Author(s):  
Barbara Arneil

Chapter 1 defines the volume’s key terms: domestic colonization as the process of segregating idle, irrational, and/or custom-bound groups of citizens by states and civil society organizations into strictly bounded parcels of ‘empty’ rural land within their own nation state in order to engage them in agrarian labour and ‘improve’ both the land and themselves and domestic colonialism as the ideology that justifies this process, based on its economic (offsets costs) and ethical (improves people) benefits. The author examines and differentiates her own research from previous literatures on ‘internal colonialism’ and argues that her analysis challenges postcolonial scholarship in four important ways: colonization needs to be understood as a domestic as well as foreign policy; people were colonized based on class, disability, and religious belief as well as race; domestic colonialism was defended by socialists and anarchists as well as liberal thinkers; and colonialism and imperialism were quite distinct ideologies historically even if they are often difficult to distinguish in contemporary postcolonial scholarship—put simply—the former was rooted in agrarian labour and the latter in domination. This chapter concludes with a summary of the remaining chapters.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 34-56
Author(s):  
Méropi Anastassiadou-Dumont

The article examines Muslim pilgrimages to Christian places of worship in Istanbul after the 1950s. It aims to answer whether and how the Ottoman heritage of cultural diversity fits or does not fit with the pattern of the nation-state. After a brief bibliographic overview of the issue of shared sacred spaces, the presentation assembles, as a first step, some of the key elements of Istanbul’s multi-secular links with religious practices: the sanctity of the city both for Christianity and Islam; the long tradition of pilgrimages and their importance for the local economy; meanings and etymologies of the word pilgrimage in the most common languages of the Ottoman space; and the silence of the nineteenth century’s Greek sources concerning the sharing of worship. The second part focuses more specifically on some OrthodoxGreek sacred spaces in Istanbul increasingly frequented by Muslims during the last decades.


Author(s):  
M. V. Kharkevich

The article is devoted to the analysis of the so called impossibility theorem, according to which democracy, state sovereignty and globalization are mutually exclusive and cannot function to the full extent when present simultaneously. This theorem, elaborated in 2011 by Dani Rodrik, a famous economist from Harvard University, poses a fundamental problem about the prospects of the global scalability of political institutions of the nation-state. Is it in principle possible to globalize executive, legislative and judicial branches of power, civil society, and democracy, or is it necessary to limit globalization in order to preserve democracy and nation-state? Rodrik’s conclusions, in essence, make one give up hopes to create global democratic order against the background of global capitalism. On the basis of the Stanford School of Sociological Institutionalism and the reconstruction of the historical materialism by Jürgen Habermas, the author refutes Rodrik’s theorem. The author’s analysis shows that not only is it possible to build democratic order at the global level, but also that it already exists in the form of the world culture that includes such norms as electoral democracy, nation-state, civil society and other institutions of Modernity. The world culture reproduces fundamental social values, playing the role of social integration for the humanity, while global capitalism provides for its material reproduction, playing the role of system integration. However, since globalization is a more dynamic process than the development of the world culture, between material and ideational universalism arises a gap, which in its turn is fraught with various kinds of political and economic crises.


2019 ◽  
pp. 77-108
Author(s):  
Emily L. King

Chapter three examines the relation between fantasy and civil vengeance through the figure of the vagrant. Insofar as vagrants are presumed responsible for major social problems, civil society justifies its poor treatment as retribution. Reading Jack Cade’s rebellion in Shakespeare’s 2 Henry VI, the chapter proposes that normative society’s fantasy of its own victimhood produces vagrant bodies that are constructed to withstand extreme forms of labor and punishment, and the resulting bodies then sustain an expanding nation-state. Thomas Nashe’s The Unfortunate Traveller, or the Life of Jack Wilton reveals the dynamic at work on the international stage in its attempts to define early modern Englishness against not only the Continent but also cosmopolitanism. While the impoverished vagrant offers social cohesion to normative subjects within the domestic project of nationalism, the affluent cosmopolitan vagrant and his eventual recoil from other cultures offers the fiction of a secure English identity.


2002 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 783-795 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Chong

To scholars researching the connections between international relations and globalisation, such as those in the five books reviewed here, ‘foreign policy’ is becoming functionally and descriptively rivalled in a globalising context. Foreign policy, once the theoretically exclusive prerogative of the nation-state, is violated daily by new developments in non-state actorness arising from transnational technical and welfare issues such as trade, finance, labour standards and environmentalism. These books under review introduce the displacement lexicon of transnational politics, global civil society, non-state resistance and complexity into policymaking consciousness; in short, the post-international era. The conclusion proposes to tease out the preliminary outlines of the post-international challenge to foreign policy on the basis of ‘plus non-state’ actor-interest considerations.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel Wissenburg

Modern societies appear to be going through a phase of dehierarchization, that is, a change in the way of governance of nation states, from direction of, to cooperation with, civil society; and in more general terms political pluralization, the emergence of “polities” other than the nation state. The paper argues that one of the most stressing problems of political pluralization is the co-existence of mutually effacing or contradictory systems of political norms. To tackle this problem of incompossibility, it has been suggested that policy teloi, shared conceptions giving direction to cooperative political ventures, in particular sustainable development, could be helpful. This article investigates whether sustainable development as a policy telos can tackle incompossibility, both in liberal (democratic) and non-liberal (democratic) societies. The paper concludes that its best chances of being temporarily successful lie in understanding it in the broadest sense possible—particularly if one values moral pluralism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sadari Sadari
Keyword(s):  

Artikel ini menawarkan studi h}udu>di dalam hukum keluarga Islam yang terdapat dalam Kompilasi Hukum Islam (KHI). Sedangkan studi h}udu>di itu sendiri merupakan proses desakralisasi sebagai wujud agar produk KHI menjadi progresif seiring dengan modernitas dan keindonesiaan. Untuk mewujudkan quo vadis tersebut, maka artikel ini melakukan dua ijtihad pemikiran yakni, menolak pemikiran yang belum mengindahkan h}udu>di (limit, batas) dan menguatkan pemikiran para sarjana yang menawarkan ijtihad baru baik pada dataran konsep sampai pada tawaran metodologis. Pemikiran yang menguatkan itu datang dari tokoh Syiria, yakni Muh}ammad Shah}ru>r, lewat struktur kemasukakalan (plausibilitas structure). Studi h}udu>di-nya mendukung ide dari Nurcholish Madjid tentang desakralisasi, sehingga mampu melakukan koherensi antara KHI dengan bidang HAM, demokrasi, nation state, civil society, dan konstitusionalisme.  Jadi artikel ini mendukung semangat desakralisasi – di samping tidak menanggalkan sakralisasinya – yang dikumandangkan oleh Nurcholish Madjid melalui bukunya yang bertema : Islam, Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan. Sumber kajian artikel ini adalah KHI, sedangkan cara membaca dengan memakai paradigma h}udu>di, yang berbekal pada adagium s\aba>t al-nas}s} wa harakah al-muh}tawa, artinya teksnya tetap (the text is permanent) dan kandungannya terus berubah (the content moves). Sehingga norma hukum selalu bersumber pada liminalitas berbasis pada teks, yang poros kajiannya berpusat dari teks menuju konteks bukan sebaliknya dari konteks menuju teks.   Kata Kunci : Equilibrium, HAM, KHI, dan Modernitas-KeindonesiaanDOI: 10.15408/sjsbs.v2i2.2382


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