scholarly journals ‘The Viceroys are Disappearing from the Roundabouts in Delhi’: British symbols of power in post-colonial India

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 787-831 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAUL M. MCGARR
Keyword(s):  
State Governments ◽  
British Colonialism ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Indian Nationalism ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

AbstractIn the aftermath of the Second World War, as post-colonial regimes in Africa and Asia hauled down imperial iconography, to the surprise and approval of many Western observers, India evidenced little interest in sweeping away remnants of its colonial heritage. From the late 1950s onwards, however, calls for the removal of British imperial statuary from India's public spaces came to represent an increasingly important component in a broader dialogue between central and state governments, political parties, the media, and the wider public on the legacy of British colonialism in the subcontinent. This article examines the responses of the ruling Congress Party and the British government, between 1947 and 1970, to escalating pressure from within India to replace British statuary with monuments celebrating Indian nationalism. In doing so, it highlights the significant scope that existed for non-state actors in India and the United Kingdom with a stake in the cultural politics of decolonization to disrupt the smooth running of bilateral relations, and, in Britain's case, to undermine increasingly tenuous claims of continued global relevance. Post-war British governments believed that the United Kingdom's relationship with India could be leveraged, at least in part, to offset the nation's waning international prestige. In fact, as the fate of British statuary in India makes clear, this proved to be at least as problematic and flawed a strategy in the two decades after 1947 as it had been in those before.

scholarly journals Muddy Waters: Cross Currents in Fundraising and Its Control – 1907–1954

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-298
Author(s):  
Putnam Barber
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
State Governments ◽  
World War ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Second World

AbstractDuring the first half of the 20th century, many of the techniques of modern fundraising were developed. During these decades, fundraising demonstrated its potential for supporting important community goals, financing efforts to combat dread diseases, and initiating change in public policies. In this same span of years, community leaders, journalists, and policy makers became increasingly concerned with growing opportunities for inefficient or even downright dishonest fundraising. Local governments, federated fundraising organizers, and nonprofit charity ratings agencies attempted to forestall abuses of the public’s generosity. Further, during the Second World War, the federal government imposed significant controls on fundraising for war-related activities. The year 1954 saw the passage of new laws in two states that anticipated the most common form of charitable solicitations regulation in the second half of the century, a form that is widespread today. This paper traces developments from the end of the 19th century to show how the ground was prepared for post-war efforts by state governments to regulate charitable fundraising.

‘Produce or Perish’. The crisis of the late 1940s and the place of labour in post-colonial India

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1041-1112
Author(s):  
RAVI AHUJA
Keyword(s):  
Informal Economy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Industrial Enterprises ◽  
Post War ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractThis article argues that the late 1940s in India should no longer be reduced to the twin events of partition and independence. A generalized political crisis unsettled, for a brief period, the structures of social and economic power, and not just intercommunity relations and the constitution of the state. These years were thus, among other things, a catalytic moment for the definition of ‘labour’ as both a political category and a parameter of post-colonial politics: processes dating back to the First World War, at least, were consolidated, under pressure from this crisis, into a new labour regime that has withstood political pressure for almost seven decades. The article offers an analysis of the almost-forgotten post-war strike movement, which was nevertheless unprecedented in its social and geographical spread. The movement elicited both repressive and reformist responses: the extraordinary level of emergency powers applied to suppress it are, therefore, as much examined as the series of momentous legislative and institutional changes of the late 1940s. In conclusion, the long-term consequences of this cycle of strike–reform–repression for India's post-colonial labour regime are adumbrated. A strongly etatist, potentially authoritarian, regime of industrial relations, it is argued, was checked by an enduring political trade union pluralism. At the same time, divisions within India's working classes were deepened and consolidated as labour law and social legislation sealed off the comparatively small ‘core workforces’ of public sector and large-scale industrial enterprises from the majority of workers in what would soon be called the ‘informal economy’.

scholarly journals “A lie that pandered to racism and xenophobia”

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orlaith Darling
Keyword(s):  
British Society ◽  
British History ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
British Identity ◽  
British Press ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Breeding And Genetics ◽  
Second World

Perhaps one of the most significant votes in British history occurred in June 2016. Primarily dominated by buzzwords such as ‘control’, ‘borders’ and ‘immigration’, Brexit has been a hugely divisive process for the UK. This division and internal wall-building is nowhere more evident than in domestic British race relations; indeed, in the week following the referendum, the number of racial hate crimes committed rose by 500%. This article examines the idea of borders in a contemporary British context, drawing on historic and recurrent iterations of empire (historical colonialism and the Windrush Scandal) and the Second World War as a founding national mythologies. It argues that Brexit represents post-war paranoia regarding European invasion, nostalgia for the glory days of Empire, and a fear of the post-colonial ‘other’ as a threat to monolithic tenets of British identity. Zadie Smith’s novel, White Teeth, is harnessed throughout as a means of giving literary scope to these arguments, and as a means of highlighting how this manic obsession with borders is a long-standing aspect of British life (the novel was published in 2000 and therefore preceded the Brexit conversation). Moreover, discussion of the themes of non-white British identities, inter-racial breeding and genetics in Smith’s novel will be placed alongside a contemplation of ‘maternity tourism’ which has recently abounded in the British press. ‘Maternity tourism’ comprises, I argue, a fear of the post-colonial female body and a distrust of the maternal body as a weak border which threatens the cohesive, white homogeneity of British society.

William Allen and the 'Scientific Outlook' in Architectural Education, 1936-66

2021 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 379-402
Author(s):  
Patrick Zamarian
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Architectural Education ◽  
Research Station ◽  
World War ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Post War ◽  
Architectural Association ◽  
Second World

ABSTRACTModern architects in the inter-war period were enthused by the potential of science and technology to inform their work. The educational dimension of this changing mindset was first recognised and explored at the Bauhaus in Germany, the experiments of which were to inspire the teaching of architecture in schools across Europe and the United States, particularly after the end of the second world war. In the United Kingdom, the quest for a more science-based approach to architectural education had an equally important source in the work of the government's Building Research Station (BRS). From the early 1930s, the BRS initiated steps to familiarise architectural students with its methodologies, and in the postwar years such concerns were channelled into a comprehensive pedagogical reform agenda that culminated in the landmark Oxford Conference on Architectural Education of 1958. This article argues that it was William Allen (1914—98), rather than better-known figures such as Leslie Martin and Richard Llewelyn-Davies, who was the driving force behind this agenda. As chief architect to the BRS, Allen took up a pivotal position at the intersection of building science and professional practice. The article shows how, over the course of two decades, Allen used the institutional machinery of both the BRS and the Royal Institute of British Architects to inject a scientific outlook into the training of architects. His success in doing so positions Allen as a major figure in British post-war architecture, even though his own attempt to implement his vision as principal of the Architectural Association (1961-65) ended in failure.

Norway and the United Kingdom/Scotland after the Second World War

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tore T. Petersen
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Real Life ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Alliance Politics ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Second World

This chapter examines events following, the Second World War, and argues that Norway and the United Kingdom have not had as close a relationship as the official rhetoric suggests. Although the countries do share common interests, Petersen argues that they lack “real-life alliance politics and relations”, using as material the details of state visit by Norwegian Prime Minister Einar Gerhardsen and his wife Werna to Britain in 1956. The major issues discussed in the press at the time dealt largely with simple matters of protocol, and the visit did not even include discussion of the imminent Suez conflict, in which many Norwegian owned cargo ships were involved. Like Scotland, Norway was a small client state and although World War II presented the countries with a common enemy, and Norway’s king governed in exile from London during the Nazi occupation of his country, Petersen argues that the difference in size, power and influence between the British Empire and Norway overshadowed bilateral relations between Britain and Norway, as well as those between Scotland and Norway.

The Post-Imperial Era and Japan

2020 ◽  
pp. 168-193
Author(s):  
Graham Harrison
Keyword(s):  
National Development ◽  
World Order ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Modern Development ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Development Politics ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

The chapter starts with an overview of the rise of modern development politics, showing how it was a manifestation of post-imperial sovereignty in a world order constructed by Britain, America, and other developed capitalist nations. It emphasizes the challenge of sovereignty and nationalism for post-colonial governance. It highlights the historical features of urgency, insecurity, and nationalism for post-colonial developmentalism. It then offers a treatment of Japan as a post-imperial developer. Commencing with the establishing of a national economy in the late 1700s, the chapter focuses on the Meiji politics of national development through imperialism and support for large companies. It focuses on the post-Second World War recovery and sustained transformation. It reviews the role of the state, the insecurities of post-war governance, the national vision of business, and the role of America. The chapter outlines the mass social improvements that resulted from capitalist transformation.

Narratives of democracy in post-war France

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip G Nord
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Civilizing Mission ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Founding Member ◽  
Globalizing World ◽  
Post War ◽  
Post Industrial ◽  
Second World

Loyalists of France’s Third Republic presented the regime as heir to France’s revolutionary tradition and as such the bearer of a set of undying principles: liberty, equality, and fraternity. This narrative came under crippling pressure in the 20th century, and in the aftermath of the Second World War, a new set of narratives began to crystallize that rethought the meaning of republican democracy. Under the Third Republic, it was the venerable Parti Radical, dating back to Dreyfusard days, that had been the mainstay of the democratic idea, but in the Liberation era, the party was sidelined, and successors emerged, Socialist and Christian-democratic, which tendered new visions of democracy’s future. The place of the State in French life was also reconsidered. It ceased to be an object of democratic suspicion but came to be seen rather as an indispensable vehicle for effecting the nation’s reconstruction. France’s place in the world came in for a major rethinking at the same time. The nation remained as ever the bearer of the democratic idea, but it now expressed that commitment as a European power and not an imperial one, as a founding member of a brotherhood of democracies and not as a unilateral actor propelled by a self-appointed civilizing mission. In today’s post-colonial, post-industrial, and globalizing world, however, these narratives no longer have the same purchase as in decades past.

scholarly journals “Rapport Duclert” and France’s Responsibility for the Genocide in Rwanda

2021 ◽  
Vol 107 (7) ◽  
pp. 84-95
Author(s):  
Anna Andreeva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
State Responsibility ◽  
French Society ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Media Discourses

In March 2021 the Duclert Commission, a commission of French experts appointed by President Macron, presented their report which immediately became the subject of academic and political debates. The Report examined the French involvement in Rwandan genocide in 1994, and pointed to the major ethical, legal and political dilemmas accompanying states’ involvement into the affairs of other states. We seek to identify major topics raised by the French media in relation to the report, and how possible reconciliation between France and Rwanda was presented in French periodicals. Through post-colonial lenses to the study of states’ foreign policy, we examine how the French role in the genocide was seen in media discourses, and how the media addressed such painful questions as accepting/avoiding state responsibility for its actions. Using qualitative content-analysis, we studied articles from French media outlets Le Monde, Libération and Le Figaro in the period of late March 2021 ‒ July 2021, as well as a few randomly selected articles from other French outlets to have a more complete picture of public debates across a political spectrum. The article concludes that while the media stressed the importance of the Committee’s work for bilateral relations, still, there is no consensus in the French society over France’s responsibility for the genocide: whether acknowledging state responsibility would be a manifestation of weakness and a threat to state security, or masking of certain colonial inclinations.

scholarly journals Ο ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟΣ ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟΣ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΣ ΚΑΙ Ο ΙΣΠΑΝΙΚΟΣ ΤΥΠΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΦΡΑΝΚΙΣΜΟΥ

Μνήμων ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
ΖΩΗ ΜΕΛΛΑ
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
World War ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Spanish Press ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Second World

<p>Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's Dictatorship</p><p>In this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.</p>

Squatting: The Fight for Decent Shelter, 1970s–1980s

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Housing Policies ◽  
The West ◽  
The World ◽  
Housing Needs ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.

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