The Jesuits and Devotion to our Lady in the England of Elizabeth I and James I

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-352
Author(s):  
Francis Edwards
Keyword(s):  

The attitude of the Jesuits, as of all Catholic recusants at this time, was conditioned by being a persecuted minority. Maintaining their faith, they were also concerned to win over the persecutors. So Jesuit writings combine counter-attack and apologetic in ways not contradictory but certainly complex. Theirs was a special difficulty. They avoided politics, but many of their confrères on the continent, notably Robert Persons, favoured a military solution since the prevailing régime in England had from the outset rejected any peaceful overture. They relied on the Spaniards for a successful invasion. This never happened. Treason not prospering remained treason. But from about 1601 and the abortive Spanish effort at Kinsale, even the Catholics on the continent realised that there could be no forceful answer to the recusant dilemma.

Author(s):  
Rosamund Oates

Tobie Matthew (c.1544–1628) lived through the most turbulent times of the English Church. Born during the reign of Henry VIII, he saw Edward VI introduce Protestantism, and then watched as Mary I violently reversed her brother’s changes. When Elizabeth I came to the throne in 1558, Matthew rejected his family’s Catholicism to join the fledgling Protestant regime. Over the next sixty years, he helped build a Protestant Church in England under Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I. Rising through the ranks of the Church, he was Archbishop of York in the charged decades leading up to the British Civil Wars. Here was a man who played a pivotal role in the religious politics of Tudor and Stuart England, and nurtured a powerful strain of Puritanism at the heart of the established Church....


1967 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 83-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Hurstfield.

In the reign of James I, Sir Walter Ralegh, a prisoner in the Tower and under sentence of death, occupied some of his leisure in writing a History of the World. Unfortunately, he never got beyond 130 B.C.; but in his Introduction he did pause to comment on more recent history. Now that Elizabeth I was dead, he felt able to speak quite freely about her father:


2009 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 31-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manolo Guerci

Salisbury House is but one example from a significant corpus of architectural patronage carried out by a single family. In two generations, the Cecils created three great ‘prodigy houses’ among a range of notable country houses including Cranborne Manor in Dorset, Pymmes in Hertfordshire, Wothorpe Lodge near Burghley House in Northamptonshire, and Snape Castle in Yorkshire. It was William Cecil, 1st Baron Burghley (1520/21-98), who from the early 1560s initiated this prolific campaign of building with Burghley House in Northamptonshire, Theobalds in Hertfordshire, and Burghley House in London. Both Thomas Cecil (1542-1623) and Robert Cecil (1563-1612) inherited their father’s passion for architecture. Even when Burghley House in the Strand was nearing completion, Thomas continued work on his remarkable Italianate villa in Wimbledon (begun 1588, demolished c. 1720), one of the most innovative houses of the period, with a three-sided plan, built on a steeply sloping hillside that prompted the composition of elaborate terraces. Like the family’s other properties, Wimbledon House was able to offer hospitality to Elizabeth I, while Hatfield House, built by Robert Cecil between 1607 and 1612, was specifically designed to entertain James I and his Queen, Anne of Denmark. In London, Robert Cecil’s architectural patronage started in about 1596 with the improvement and remodelling of Beaufort House in Chelsea, apparently in order to extend his influence into that area, although the scheme was quickly abandoned. Three years later, Robert began Salisbury House in the Strand, while in 1609 he built the first commercial centre in the West End, known as the ‘New Exchange’. From 1612, he also developed a strip of land along the west side of St Martin’s Lane as a new residential area, but did not live to see it completed.


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 115-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Charteris

Among the Cecil Family and Estate Papers (hereafter referred to as C. F. E. P.) at Hatfield House, are a large number of bills, accounts and letters which help to cast new light not only on the musical life of an important aristocratic family, but also on the activities of a number of musicians already known for their association with other households and with the royal court. The references in the Papers to the years 1605–1613 are gratifyingly extensive. The same cannot be said for the years on either side of this period, a fact which reflects the scarcity of the available records rather than reduced enthusiasm for music and its cultivation. Consequently, this article confines itself to the period 1605–1613 which covers the last years of the life of Robert Cecil (1563–1612). Cecil's position as Secretary of State to Elizabeth I from 1596 and after her death to James I, brought him into regular contact with the royal court; it not only earned him the title of Earl of Salisbury in 1605, but required him to adopt a life style in which musicians were an integral part. Significantly, most of the musicians who appear among the C. F. E. P. were also active at court. Those mentioned in these papers include Thomas Campion, John Coprario, Thomas Dallam, Cormack Dermode, Nicholas Lanier, George Mason and Thomas Warwick.


2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 147-160
Author(s):  
Urszula Kizelbach

Abstract Renaissance England is often discussed in the context of theatre and theatrical acting. The fact is that Renaissance monarchs, too, viewed kingship in terms of theatrical display and public performance. Such is the nature of royalty presented by King James I in Basilicon Doron. Queen Elizabeth I was playing all her life. Faced with the problem of her femininity in the world of men, as well as her ambivalent hereditary rights as a member of the Tudor dynasty, she focused on legitimizing her reign through playing different roles - she played the fearful king, the loving queen, she even played Virgin Mary. But Elizabeth emerges as the most stunning actress when she plays herself. On her summer visit to Wanstead in 1578 she took an active part in the pageant “The lady of May”, playing herself, “Good Queen Bess”, which Sir Philip Sidney depicted in his pastoral romance The lady of May. In this way, Elizabeth became her own icon. This paper provides instances of the Queen’s political role play in a historical and socio-cultural context of the time.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 527-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
NICHOLAS TYACKE

ABSTRACTTraditionally puritanism has been treated as a religious phenomenon that only impinged on the world of that ‘secular’ politics to a limited extent and mainly in relation to church reform. Such an approach, however, is to employ a misleadingly narrow definition which ignores the existence of a much more all-embracing puritan political vision traceable from the mid-sixteenth century. First clearly articulated by some of the Marian exiles, this way of thinking interpreted the Bible as a manifesto against tyranny whether in church or state. Under the successive regimes of Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I, puritans can be found who continued to judge the actions of government by the same biblical criterion, which also helps to explain among other things their prominence in opposing unparliamentary taxation. Puritan ideology itself was transmitted down the generations partly via a complex of family alliances, underpinned by teaching and preaching, and this in turn provided a basis for political organization. Moreover, the undiminished radical potential of puritanism is evident from responses to the assassination of Buckingham in 1628. Given these antecedents the subsequent resort to Civil War appears less surprising than historians often claim.


Author(s):  
David Cressy

This chapter examines the religious culture and ecclesiastical arrangements of various island communities, showing how devotional activities and godly discipline were affected by politics and custom. The Isle of Wight was part of the Diocese of Winchester, with patterns of conformity and dissent similar to those of the mainland. Lundy was extra-parochial, and forgotten by the bishops of Exeter. The Scillies, too, belonged to the diocese of Exeter, but episcopal influence was almost invisible. The Isle of Man had its own bishop, but godly conformity was rarely attained. Religious radicals reached most islands in the decades of revolution, and lingered or revived in the later seventeenth century. The Channel Islands, as ever, were anomalous, having adopted a Presbyterian discipline under Elizabeth I. Jersey was brought into conformity with England’s prayer book and canons, at least officially, in the reign of James I, but Presbyterianism continued in Guernsey until the Restoration. Each island experienced conflicts in the later seventeenth century over worship, discipline, conformity, and dissent. The disputes of laity and clergy, deans and bailiffs, and governors and the godly formed an offshore drama against the continuing development of the national Church of England.


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