Thomas Jefferson's Machiavellian Political Science

1995 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul A. Rahe

On the face of it, there would seem to be little evidence suggesting that the political science of Thomas Jefferson owed much, if anything, to the speculation of Niccolò Machiavelli. The Virginian appears to have mentioned the Florentine by name but once, and he did so in a manner conveying his disdain for the author of The Prince. And yet, as I try to show in this article, Jefferson's commitment to limited government, his advocacy of a politics of distrust, his eager embrace of a species of populism, his ultimate understanding of the executive power, and the intention guiding the comprehensive legislative program that he devised for Virginia make sense only when understood in terms of the new science of republican politics articulated by Machiavelli in his Discourses on Livy.

2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-53
Author(s):  
Robert D. Denham

This essay seeks to answer the questions, how can we explain the numerous references in Frye’s notebooks and elsewhere to the political theory in Machiavelli’s The Prince? What in Machiavelli’s thought did Frye believe deserved our attention, and why? Toward this end the essay examines the Renaissance idea of the Machiavellian villain, the concept of virtù, and the idea of hypocrisy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-145
Author(s):  
Ivan Matic

The purpose of this paper is to introduce the concept of social discord, based on the analysis of early chapters of Niccolo Machiavelli?s Discourses on Livy. I argue that, by deriving a broader philosophical concept from Machiavelli?s peculiar position that strife between the plebs and the senate made the Roman republic free and powerful (Machiavelli 1998: 16), we can greatly enhance our understanding of not only some of the more original and controversial positions within the Florentine theorist?s magnum opus, but also of his thought in general. Furthermore, by analyzing crucial moments within Machiavelli?s observation of the rise and fall of the Roman republic through the lens of social discord, I argue that the concept can be established as the foundation of his understanding of republicanism, while contesting his designation of the people as the guardians of liberty. Finally, I contrast the concept of social discord with that of social conflict - a subtle and seemingly negligible distinction that can, in my understanding of Machiavelli?s thought, nonetheless mean the difference between a republic?s development and prosperity and its untimely downfall.


Ritið ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Lára Magnúsardóttir

The article recounts the account from the Árna saga about Loftur Helgason’s trip to Bergen in 1282 and his stay there over winter, explained in terms of the formal sources about the organization of the government and changes in the law in the latter half of the 13th century. These changes were aimed at introducing into Iceland the power of both the King and the Church and in fact marked the actual changes throughout the Norwegian state. Loftur was Skálholt‘s official and the story about him was part of a long-standing dispute about the position of the chieftains versus the new power of the Church and the opposition to its introduction. The article defines the political confusion described in the Árna sagain Bergen in the winter of 1282-1283 as, on the one hand, changes in the constitution and, on the other hand, legislation, and at the same time whether the Kings Hákon Hákonarson and his son Magnús had systematically pursued a policy of having the Church be an independent party to the government of the state from 1247 onward until the death of the latter in 1280. When the disagreement is looked at as continuing, it is seen that Icelanders had made preparations for changes in the constitution with assurances of introduction of the power of the Church beginning in 1253 and the power of the King from 1262, but, on the other hand, the disagreements in both countries disappeared in the 1270s in the face of the conflict of interests that resulted from the laws that followed in the wake of the constiututional changes. Árna saga tell of this and how the disputes were described, but also that their nature changed as King Erikur came to power in 1280, as he gave the power of the King a new policy that was aimed against the power of the Church. Ousting of the archbishop from Norway and the Christian funerals of the excommunicated chieftains are examples of the conditions of government that could not have been, if the King had no longer had executive power over Christian concerns, as he had already conceded power over spiritual issues to the Pope in Rome with the Settlement at Túnsberg in 1277.


Author(s):  
Mikael Hörnqvist

Since the idea of Rome and a united Christendom was the horizon within which Renaissance political thought developed, the alternatives to papal and imperial tutelage consisted in subverting the Roman-papal paradigm from within (Niccolò Machiavelli's solution) or rejecting Rome altogether (the road taken by French légistes such as Francis Hotman and Jean Bodin). This article focuses on the two most prominent, and arguably also most influential, political thinkers of the Renaissance period, Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527) and Thomas More (1478–1535). Although it is highly unlikely that either author knew of the existence of the other, let alone was familiar with his work, the fact that Machiavelli's Prince (1513) and Discourses on Livy (1514–1518) and More's Utopia (1516) were written only a few years apart invites comparison. While focusing on Machiavelli and More, we must not forget that there were many other Renaissance writers, humanists, philosophers, and others, who commented on politics and contributed to the overall development of political thought and political philosophy in the period.


Author(s):  
Stella Fletcher

Francesco Guicciardini (b. 1483–d. 1540) was a Florentine patrician and papal administrator who wrote numerous works on the history and government of his native city and recorded the era of the Italian Wars in his monumental Storia d’Italia. His writing was inspired not by abstract principles but by his own practical experience, whether as Florentine orator in Spain from 1512, or in the service of the Medici popes Leo X and Clement VII, as governor of Modena and Reggio from 1516, as commissary general of the papal army (1521), as president of the Romagna (1524), and as a lieutenant general (1526). The sack of Rome by imperial forces in 1527 destroyed the political system in which he was so prominent a player. He was too close to the Medici to be trusted by the leaders of Florence’s “Last Republic,” from which he was exiled in 1530. His career never fully recovered and he devoted his final years to writing the Storia d’Italia. None of his works were published during his lifetime, meaning that his literary reputation has been an entirely posthumous creation, but his place in the pantheon of Italian Renaissance literary figures is now so secure that his name is readily linked with that of his friend and neighbor in Florence, Niccolò Machiavelli. How and when Guicciardini’s works were published, together with their subsequent impact, is the unifying theme running through this bibliography, which aims to guide the student through the maze of texts and toward the most appropriate editions, commentaries, and analyses. Reference Works acts as a prelude to the main biographical section, Lives and Letters. Guicciardini’s oeuvre is introduced in Collected Works, and then explored in the order in which it became available to the reading public, beginning with the Storia d’Italia, the Ricordi, and works on Florentine History and Politics, all three sections being subdivided into “Texts” and “Analysis.” Minor Works and Correspondence reflect an apparently insatiable desire to publish every word Guicciardini wrote, down to his marginal notes. The resulting body of work is so extensive as to put it well beyond the needs of most students, for whose convenience volumes of Extracts have been identified. Thereafter, the reader is guided through those Journals and Collections of Papers (whether Single-authored or Multi-authored) of greatest relevance for this subject. Guicciardini’s Reputation and Impact is apparent throughout the bibliography, but is nevertheless highlighted in its concluding section.


Author(s):  
Vickie B. Sullivan

This chapter argues that Niccolò Machiavelli finds that Christianity exerts a type of tyrannical rule over human beings, one that deprives them of their honor, dignity, and power. It is this domination from which Machiavelli endeavors to liberate them. Despite his early and forthright repudiation of the Christian understanding of history in the name of the imitation of pagan politics, Machiavelli infuses his additional explicit criticisms of the religion in the Discourses on Livy with a measure of ambiguity. Both when he offers his most stinging condemnation of the Church's role as spoiler in Italian politics and when he censures Christianity as such, he tempers his criticism by appealing from the Christianity of the vilely corrupt prelates to a purer version of the religion. The chapter examines these statements as well as additional discussions in which Christianity is less explicitly the subject.


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