Women, Economic Dependency and Citizenship

1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Lister

ABSTRACTCitizenship is, once again, on the political and academic agenda. This article explores some of its meanings for women. It examines some of the contradictions raised by notions of dependence and independence and the relationship between ‘private’ and ‘public’ forms of dependence. It then considers the implications of financial dependence and of the sexual division of labour and of time for women's rights and obligations as social, political and ‘active’ citizens. It concludes by drawing out briefly some policy implications, arguing that radical changes are needed in domestic life and in the organisation of paid employment and state provisions, if women are to be full citizens. This will require changing both our conceptions of Citizenship and the structures which fashion citizenship rights. Ultimately, neither the question of dependency nor of citizenship can be divorced from that of power.

Author(s):  
Carmen Bugan

There are two aspects of personal identity that often clash in the artistic process originating in oppression; they destabilize the voice of the ‘lyric I’. This chapter raises several questions about the relationship between personal biography and the construction of a lyric speaker, and explores the notion of a poetics that insists on healing the damage that politics does to the family; it discusses what happens when private and public identities become conflated because of politics, and how poetry ‘acts’ on the sense of family as a social microcosm where the conflict between the sense of the political self and the private self takes place.


Author(s):  
Daniel Edmiston

This chapter explores the extent to which the rich and the poor deviate or conform to the dominant ideals of citizenship. To do so, the chapter starts by outlining the key welfare discourses and moral repertoires that individuals draw upon to validate their understanding and enactment of citizenship rights and responsibilities. The evidence presented suggests that affluent citizens tend to adopt a contractarian understanding of the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities. Overall, lived experiences of deprivation appear to cultivate a heterodox conception of social citizenship that is enacted through private and public strategies to either challenge, subvert or overcome the prevailing paradigm of welfare austerity, including its distributional effects. Across both socio-economic groups, these differences appear to give rise to unique strategies of resistance, endorsement and resignation to existing citizenship structures. The chapter concludes by exploring the differing character of citizen engagement exhibited by those experiencing affluence and deprivation and what implications this has for the future direction and character of welfare politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (8) ◽  
pp. 1241-1267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johnny Boghossian ◽  
José Carlos Marques

We examine the relationship between private and public regulatory authority in contexts characterized by radical transnational activist contestation against industry practices. Employing a comparative case design, we study government responses to similar activist campaigns calling for a trade ban on Canada’s sealing and fur industries. Relying on conventional public authority, the Canadian government was unable to prevent a European ban on seal skin products, leading to the collapse of its sealing industry. In contrast, its response to anti-fur trapping activists successfully employed private authority in the form of a standard-setting multi-stakeholder initiative (MSI). Doing so not only averted a ban but effectively shut down international debate over restrictions concerning the sale of products using trapped fur. Drawing from social movement theory on activist heterogeneity and political opportunity structure, we introduce a novel conceptualization of standard-setting MSIs as strategic instruments employed by governments to constrain the political opportunities for radical transnational activists. Our findings contribute to the literatures examining interactions between private and public regulatory authority, instruments of government repression and the political dynamics surrounding MSIs.


2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 713
Author(s):  
Verónica Gómez Urrutia

En el presente artículo se analiza lo relativo al llamado “trabajo de cuidado” (carework) atendiendo a su valoración social como contribución a la manutención de la comunidad política. Este tipo de trabajo, históricamente realizado por mujeres, supone la división del trabajo en “productivo” y “reproductivo” y la invisibilización de este último como parte de las condiciones que aseguran la cohesión y el bienestar de una sociedad. En este contexto se plantean argumentos a favor de vincular el concepto de cuidado –con sus impli­caciones de género– con el de ciudadanía, de manera que el trabajo de cuidado se conceptúe como parte de los deberes de los ciudadanos hacia la comunidad política, pero también como un derecho que se garantice a quienes están en situación de vulnerabilidad.AbstractThis paper analyses some of the issues posed by carework from the perspective of its contri­bution to the maintenance and survival of political communities. Carework –which has been historically performed mainly by women- presupposes the sexual division of labour into “productive” and “reproductive”, and the exclusion of the later from the conditions that are considered as necessary to ensure society’s cohesion and welfare. The paper proposes arguments in favour of linking the concept of care (with its gendered implications) with the concept of citizenship, so as to conceptualise carework as part of the political duties of men and women towards their communities, but also as a right that can be guaranteed to anybody in situation of temporary or permanent vulnerability.


Author(s):  
Bérengère Marques-Pereira

AbstractWomen's citizenship in the Southern Cone is based on a republican conception aimed at the participation to the community and a public responsability reaching from the local to the supranational level, from the public to the political space. Such a process implies a dynamic of individuation, but is also ambiguous because it reproduces the sexual division of labour.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
Abdolhossin Hasani

Given enforceable rules and regulations that govern the relations of individuals in society, two kinds of rights can be derived: private and public. When we speak about the citizen and his/her rights, we mean a set of private and public law that governs social relationships. In fact, expression of citizenship rights means that every person enjoys as being a citizen of a country. The importance of the citizenship rights is to the extent that is closely related to place the rule of finds and even some experts believe that a society in which the rights of citizens and the relationship between people and government falters cannot be established. Guarantee of the fundamental rights of citizens, primarily implies by inserting these rights in the constitution of every country act. In other words, it takes an effective step in the process of constitution rule of law, freedom and enjoyment of facilities and take citizenship. But we must consider the fact that the protection and safeguarding of the rights of individual citizens is on the shoulders of all powers and government agencies that have the necessary measures to protect the rights of citizens. Besides, their executive units operate in all administrative formalities the rights of citizens and legal and in the case of not conforming citizens' rights are not overwhelm the device government should have a competent judicial authorities that the rights of individuals against the government defend the principles of a fair trial. So the fundamental rights of citizens included in the constitution and other laws, required to comply with these rights by the state, there is a competent judicial body that complaints about violation of their people by governmental agencies and monitor governmental bodies are responsible in this regard. All of them are standards implementation and guarantee of the rights of citizenship in a democratic society. Comparative analysis of compliance standards in the legal system of Iran and Tajikistan is a major point of discussion at the end, to recognizing the strengths and weaknesses of both countries and richer the implementation and monitoring of the implementation of the rights to use the experiences of the countries.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


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