The ‘Lyric I’

Author(s):  
Carmen Bugan

There are two aspects of personal identity that often clash in the artistic process originating in oppression; they destabilize the voice of the ‘lyric I’. This chapter raises several questions about the relationship between personal biography and the construction of a lyric speaker, and explores the notion of a poetics that insists on healing the damage that politics does to the family; it discusses what happens when private and public identities become conflated because of politics, and how poetry ‘acts’ on the sense of family as a social microcosm where the conflict between the sense of the political self and the private self takes place.

1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Lister

ABSTRACTCitizenship is, once again, on the political and academic agenda. This article explores some of its meanings for women. It examines some of the contradictions raised by notions of dependence and independence and the relationship between ‘private’ and ‘public’ forms of dependence. It then considers the implications of financial dependence and of the sexual division of labour and of time for women's rights and obligations as social, political and ‘active’ citizens. It concludes by drawing out briefly some policy implications, arguing that radical changes are needed in domestic life and in the organisation of paid employment and state provisions, if women are to be full citizens. This will require changing both our conceptions of Citizenship and the structures which fashion citizenship rights. Ultimately, neither the question of dependency nor of citizenship can be divorced from that of power.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Lyndsey Jenkins

This chapter explains who the Kenneys were, provides biographical detail about the family and the individual sisters, and sets out the political, economic, social, and cultural context in which they grew up. It shows that, despite the rhetoric of sisterhood which often characterizes feminist politics, friendship rather than family has been central to suffrage studies, and argues that the family needs to be given greater consideration. It also explains the place of class in suffrage historiography and the relationship between the women’s and labour movements as a way into understanding the relative lack of work on suffrage militants. The chapter sets out the source material which forms the basis for this study, explains the thematic biographical approach, and summarizes the chapters which follow.


2009 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniël P. Goosen

Flanked by cathedrals and castles: Theology and its political problemThis article is a reflection on the theological-political problem (i.e. the question about the relationship between religion and politics) in modern society. It presupposes that this problem was created by modernism. Because modernism distinguished in a reductive fashion between religion and politics, modern society was left with the burning question of how to mediate between them. The first part of the article focuses on a critical appraisal of the modern distinction. In different sub-sections it is argued that the modern distinction led to a reduction in meaning of both the religious and the political. However, the modern distinction cannot be maintained. Contrary to the modern distinction it is argued that the political is always already infiltrated by the theological. Modernism cannot deliver on its promises. In the concluding section the argument is raised that the theological-political problem can be addressed if we as are willing to listen to the voice of tradition. According to tradition, desire (eros) reaches out from the lowest to the highest levels of reality. The relationship between the political and the theological is inscribed within the erotic curve of desire. While eros reaches out to and also finds fulfilment in active political participation, this does not represent the end of its journey. Eros even reaches further, to the transcendent realms of philosophical contemplation and theological wisdom. In the concluding sections it is argued that both the political and the religious can again be experienced as glorious phenomena due to their erotic mutuality. Their mutuality is not (pace modernism) an argument against their own integrity, but precisely an argument in favour thereof. Die moderne wêreld staan in spanning met alle stede uit die oudheid, met alles wat kultuur verteenwoordig, met alles wat tot ’n stad behoort.(Charles Péguy)


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (8) ◽  
pp. 1241-1267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johnny Boghossian ◽  
José Carlos Marques

We examine the relationship between private and public regulatory authority in contexts characterized by radical transnational activist contestation against industry practices. Employing a comparative case design, we study government responses to similar activist campaigns calling for a trade ban on Canada’s sealing and fur industries. Relying on conventional public authority, the Canadian government was unable to prevent a European ban on seal skin products, leading to the collapse of its sealing industry. In contrast, its response to anti-fur trapping activists successfully employed private authority in the form of a standard-setting multi-stakeholder initiative (MSI). Doing so not only averted a ban but effectively shut down international debate over restrictions concerning the sale of products using trapped fur. Drawing from social movement theory on activist heterogeneity and political opportunity structure, we introduce a novel conceptualization of standard-setting MSIs as strategic instruments employed by governments to constrain the political opportunities for radical transnational activists. Our findings contribute to the literatures examining interactions between private and public regulatory authority, instruments of government repression and the political dynamics surrounding MSIs.


Author(s):  
Susan B. Boyd

AbstractIn this article I argue that an analysis of “the State” is necessary in order to understand legal developments related to “family” that are relevant to efforts to combat the oppression of heterosexual women, as well as of lesbians and gay men. Drawing on recent debates concerning postmodernism and feminist theory, I review efforts to reconceptualize the nature of the state not as a monolithic institution, but rather as a set of arenas, or the site of various discursive formations. Because laws are generated from within, but are only part of, concentrated forms of state power, feminists and progressive groups that are engaging with law must retain an explicit analysis of the state. This analysis must be more nuanced and displaced than it has been in instrumentalist and structuralist accounts, in order to explore the ways in which feminists have influenced legal change and whether this influence is positive or negative for different groups. The limits on law's ability to fundamentally transform the social relations of oppression must however be recognized. In particular, the relationship between overall state trends—for example privatization—and trends specific to certain state arenas such as courts and legislatures—for example enhanced women's rights to men's property and increased legal recognition of same sex couples—must be traced in order to determine the political impact of seemingly progressive movements in areas related to “the family”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (57) ◽  
pp. 729-739
Author(s):  
Yara Silva da Costa ◽  
Pedro Fernando Dos Santos

Resumo: Esse trabalho tem por finalidade demostrar e analisar a importância da família no processo de aprendizagem do aluno, sendo assim, um dos principais motivos a serem alcançados é trazer a instituição família para esse ambiente escolar. O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender a construção do Projeto Político Pedagógico (PPP) em uma Gestão Democrática e Participativa. Visando ainda, destacar as práticas, valores e rotinas enfatizados no cotidiano escolar visando a realidade local que repercutem no espaço familiar. O estudo tem como base refletir a participação coletiva na construção do Projeto Político Pedagógico, entendido como a própria organização do trabalho pedagógico da escola como um todo. O trabalho desenvolvido é de natureza qualitativa com adição do campo, que se deu dentro das atividades do Programa de Residência Pedagógica, Além de adotar para a sua realização, teorias como as de Veiga (1994), Garcêz (2012), Polonia e Dessen (2005), Garcia (2006), a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional (LDBEN 9394/96) e leitura de artigos. Diante disso, foi possível compreender a importâncias da relação entre Família e Escola não somente na construção do PPP, mas também com alicerce na formação de cidadãos como meio de transformação no meio educacional.Palavras-Chave: Família; Escola; Relação; Aprendizagem; PPP. Abstract: This work aims to demonstrate and analyze the importance of the family in the student's learning process, thus, one of the main reasons to be achieved is to bring the family institution to this school environment. The objective of this work is to understand the construction of the Pedagogical Political Project (PPP) in a Democratic and Participatory Management. Also aiming to highlight the practices, values and routines emphasized in the daily school life, aiming at the local reality that affect the family space. The study is based on reflecting the collective participation in the construction of the Political Pedagogical Project, understood as the organization of the school's pedagogical work as a whole. The work developed is of a qualitative nature with the addition of the field, which took place within the activities of the Pedagogical Residency Program, in addition to adopting theories such as those of Veiga (1994), Garcêz (2012), Polonia and Dessen (2005), Garcia (2006), the Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education (LDBEN 9394/96) and reading of articles. Therefore, it was possible to understand the importance of the relationship between Family and School not only in the construction of the PPP, but also based on the formation of citizens as a means of transformation in the educational environment.Keywords: Family; School; Relationship; Learning; PPP. 


Author(s):  
Carmen Font Paz

R It has been suggested that women prophets in the culture of seventeenth-century England represent the first significant group of women to establish the political authority of self-conscious female identity, and that as such they stand for a foundational moment in the development of modern feminist consciousness. This article argues that the political, religious and social upheavals in the English Revolution witnessed an unprecedented outburst of prophetic speech among women. As a result, women prophets forged a widely-read and persuasive literary genre which suited both their private and public concerns; at the same time, this venue allowed them to approach a sense of feminine writing away from the topos found in the Querelles des femmes, thus contributing to the formation of a prehistory of novelistic discourse. Focusing on the persuasive narrative of Lady Eleanor Davies, this article shows how prophetesses used a deeply personal rhetorical discourse which appropriates the voice and the manner of the Hebrew prophets of old. Many female visionaries understood themselves to be called by God to warn political leaders, and calls to prophesy and to intervention in the public sphere could take the form of anagrams, dramatic visions, complex dreams or carefully plotted exegetical commentary.


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-25
Author(s):  
Ismail Adams

This paper focuses on governance from an institutional economic perspective in trying to better understand the complexities of the decision making process and their implications for economic outcomes and growth. The paper is divided into six sections. Section I provides an introduction and background. Section II sketches various governance models within the conventional western paradigm. These are basically the „market-based‟ model and the „relationship-based‟ model. A recent third paradigm is also gaining momentum in the literature, namely „family capitalism‟ or the „family business‟. Together, these three models or frameworks may be construed as the quantitative perspective to governance, driven by a rule-based environment. It will be indicated that these models are a necessary but not sufficient condition for effective and qualitative delivery of governance ensuring trust, honesty and integrity. This section also emphases the critical importance of institutions, cultural traditions, value systems, mores and history as crucial ingredients in the development process over and above issues of compliance


Author(s):  
Loubna El Amine

This prologue discusses Classical Confucian political thought—its conception of government, of the relationship between ruler and ruled, of the methods of ruling, and of the obligations of individuals toward the political community. Recent attempts to rethink Confucianism have centered on recasting core Confucian ethical values into a more democratic political vision. The tendency to favor a set of core Confucian moral values can be understood as a reaction to the critique of Confucianism by modernization enthusiasts, both Chinese and Western. Chinese communists attacked Confucianism for its patriarchal conception of the family, its hierarchical leanings, and its promotion of hypocrisy on the part of the ruler toward the masses. To counter these charges, it was felt necessary to elicit the best in Confucianism, and build upon it a modern politics.


1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steffen W. Schmidt

[For] women to begin to participate more fully in politics on an equal par with men, the changes that have to take place go far beyond the raising of consciousness of women themselves, as well as of the men. Major changes will also be necessary in the structure of the society, in particular in the relationship between the two institutions—the family and the polity.In this concluding paragraph of a paper on Brazilian women, Blachman (1972) charts two major areas of significance to those interested in the study of women—the ideological dimension and the institutional reality. At the same time we are reminded that the link between the two, a dialectic of structures and values, may still be the most confounding and frustrating obstacle to an analysis of women in society and, for our interests here, women in politics. (For an excellent overview of the material on women in Latin America, see Pescatello, 1972.)


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document