Commentary: The Ottoman Menace in Post-Habsburg Historiography

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 141-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Todorova

Threevery fine papers deal with the Ottoman menace as metaphor in what we now designate as the post-Habsburg period, that discreet time span between the closing decades of the nineteenth century and World War II, with some forays into the contemporary period. In all three papers, the Ottoman (or the Turk, as was the current usage) served as a foil for contemporary grievances. It is not really the “Ottoman menace” they are dealing with, but, accordingly, the communist, socialist, working-class, Jewish, Serbian, or other “menaces” that are additionally demonized by introducing the analogy to a well-known and popular symbol. In the apt observation of the Austrian playwright J. P. Ostland, quoted by Maureen Healy, this was the present packaged as the past. It needs to be stressed that even the phrase “Ottoman menace” is a neologism form the post-World War II period, when scholarly works insisted correctly on a distinction between “Ottoman” as an imperial designator and “Turk” as an ethnic and later a national one. Although this distinction is justified for analytical purposes, it introduces a tinge of anachronism that belies one of the primary goals of history writing.

2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katja Hanke ◽  
James H. Liu ◽  
Denis J. Hilton ◽  
Michal Bilewicz ◽  
Ilya Garber ◽  
...  

2003 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD HUTSON

ABSTRACT In 1946, John Ford made a film about a legend of law and order in the American West as a validation of the American past for the immediate post––World War II era. In an age of doubt and uncertainty, the serene but resolute figure of Wyatt Earp was designed to alleviate anxiety about the irrelevance of the past for the new era.


1983 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Barkin

The ascension to power and twelve-year rule of National Socialism has had an enormous and continuing impact on the writing of German history. Since the early fifties, the leitmotiv of scholarship has been the search for the origins of Nazi successes in the peculiarities of Germany's or rather Prussia's history in the nineteenth century. Even with the emergence of social and economic history in the late sixties, the task of unearthing National Socialism's roots remained unchanged, although the tools altered and a more sophisticated strategy was adopted. A pervasive tendency developed to view all contemporary institutions as props of the authoritarian Prussian regime. Whereas pre–World War II scholarship glorified the Prussian past uncritically, the past two decades have witnessed across-the-board condemnation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 1149-1182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosario Patalano

AbstractThe Scarce Currency Clause (SCC) in the IMF’s Articles of Agreement (Article VII) was originally designed to establish an effective, automatic mechanism to stimulate the surplus countries to adopt adjustment policies and to correct chronic imbalances. The clause formally authorises countries with a chronic deficit to apply trade discrimination against a surplus country, by imposing tariffs and other restrictions on its exports. But the SCC has never been applied, and its permanence in the IMF’s Articles of Agreement appears today as a relic of the past, an example of post-war international cooperation. This paper presents an analytical survey of the debate on the SCC in the first decade of the IMF, exploring the contemporary opinions on the possibility that this instrument could be effectively used to correct the chronic imbalances in the post-war world and to resolve the problem of dollar shortage. More recently, the persistence of current global trade imbalances has stimulated a renewed reflection on the automatic instrument for encouraging or compelling countries to undertake necessary adjustments. The paper is focusing on recent proposals for correcting imbalances against surplus countries.


Yiddish ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 150-164
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Shandler

This chapter examines the role that Yiddish played, beginning in the late nineteenth century, in many Jews’ participation in progressive politics, including trade unionism, socialism, anarchism, labor Zionism, and communism. The Yiddishism engendered by various political movements became, for some Jews, an ideological end in itself. Their commitment to maintaining and transforming the language has served as a definitional practice of Jewish solidarity. In the post–World War II era, Yiddish has been implicated in new political uses by Hasidim, by new generations of progressive Jews, and by non-Jews in Europe engaged in coming to terms with the destruction of European Jewry.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Gregory Gause

Over the past five years, from volume 37, number 1 (February 2005) to volume 41, number 3 (August 2009), IJMES published thirty-seven articles that deal with politics in the contemporary Middle East, broadly understood. This is my count, of course, and others might add or drop some articles. I define contemporary as post World War II and have a relatively expansive definition of politics. My count does not include short features, only full articles.


1978 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 351-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Vansina

One wonders what Fernand Braudel and the school of the Annales have done to become a kind of Trojan Horse for the wholesale condemnation of the historical value of oral tradition. Yet they are the banner raised by W.G. Clarence-Smith in a recent article in his journal to preach jihad against its historical value. Clarence-Smith claims that the historiographical revolution effected by Annales has resulted in the definitive exclusion of oral traditions from the halls of Clio. Oral traditions are at best ambiguous “signs” about the past and are very much of the present. They lack absolute chronology and they are selective, so away with them. If they be worthy of attention at all, let anthropologists and sociologists be concerned, save in a few rare instances where a historian wants to check on some European printed source. And even then, caveat emptor. Significantly, the article is not just the expression of the views of one person; rather it is symptomatic of much of the criticism which has been leveled at oral tradition, mostly by fasionable anthropologists. And it brings this criticism to its logical conclusion.But first a word about Braudel, the Annales, and oral tradition in general. The Annales School was founded by Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch before World War II. Fernand Braudel is its most distinguished exponent. His major theoretical pronouncements can be found in his Ecrits sur l'histoire, a collection of articles reprinted and published in 1969. This and his two major historical works should be read by those who want to know more about his views and ways of dealing with history. The basic tenets that members of the Annales School hold is that the history of events is but the spray of past developments; other time depths tell us more about the waves of the past. There is the time of the conjoncture, the trend, and the even longer time periods -- sometimes many centuries long -- the longue durée or long term. Successful history writing does not liminate the study of events, but analyzes them against the movement of these longer and deeper-running trends.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document