Euboean floral black-figured vases

1960 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 211-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. D. Ure
Keyword(s):  

In the Museum at Chalcis there are more than a dozen black-figured vases decorated with palmettes, lotus flowers, leaves, and other plant motives. I drew attention to some of these in BSA xli. 27 f., associating with them similar vases in Athens, Berlin, Bonn, Reading, and Thebes, and suggesting that they were probably made in Euboea. It is possible now to go farther and take a more extended view of what was undoubtedly a vigorous local industry in either Chalcis or Eretria or both in the fourth century B.C.For convenience the material is here divided into groups according to the shapes of the palmettes and lotuses and the character of the patterns. The order may not be strictly chronological and the vases grouped together do not necessarily come from the same workshop, but certain lines of development can be traced and the groups link together to form a coherent whole.

Author(s):  
С.В. Сиротин

В статье представлен погребальный комплекс эпохи ранних кочевников IV в. до н. э. из некрополя Переволочан I на Южном Урале. Рассматриваемое погребение было устроено в центре подкурганной площадки кургана 12. Погребение относится к сооружениям дромосного типа. Обращает на себя внимание найденный инвентарь: предметы вооружения, элементы конской сбруи, ювелирные украшения, золотые обкладки деревянных чаш. Конструктивные особенности курганной насыпи, дромосное устройство могильной ямы, богатый сопроводительный материал позволяют отнести данный комплекс к погребениям кочевой элиты. В публикации дается анализ погребального обряда, инвентаря, а также хронология погребения. The paper reports on a burial assemblage dating to the period of the early nomads of the 4th century BC from Perevolochan I, which is a cemetery located in the South Urals region. The grave in question was made in the center of the area under kurgan 12. The kurgan is attributed to the dromos type of constructions. The discovered funerary offerings, including weaponry, elements of horse trappings, jewelry pieces, gold plates of wooden cups, are worth mentioning. The construction features of the kurgan mound, the dromos type of the burial pit structure, rich offerings suggest that this is a grave of the nomadic elite. The paper analyzes the funerary rite, the funerary offerings and the grave chronology.


Vessels ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaś Elsner

In 1793, laborers digging a well at the foot of the Esquiline hill in Rome came upon the ruins of an ancient house and buried therein what proved to be the largest and most spectacular silver treasure from antiquity discovered up to that time. The known surviving items of the so-called Esquiline Treasure—probably made in the second half of the fourth century CE and concealed by its last owners sometime in late antiquity to protect it from marauders or invading barbarians, but surely intended to have been recovered and reused by them—include some very famous pieces: the Projecta Casket, the Tyche statuettes of Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria, a number of dishes, spoons, and ewers (Figure 2.1). Among these is the Muse Casket, a circular vessel, just under 33 cm in diameter and a little less than 27 cm high when covered with its lid. It is made of sheet silver, shaped and decorated with repoussé and engraving. Its lid is a silver dome recessed from the edge of a flat rim and attached to the base by a soldered hinge, with a narrow tab opposite the hinge for raising and lowering the cover (Figure 2.2). Inside it has five smaller vessels for toiletries and cosmetics, so that the casket as a whole was made to be used as a container for unguents. The art of the toiletry box—as a vessel that contains other vessels—casts light onto a problem that is faced across cultures, namely, improving or elevating a person’s physical or spiritual state by operating a complex device—a container of containers—and using the contents stored therein. Different cultures may seek different symbolisms to structure the generation of meaning, based on their own specific traditions and ideologies. In the case of the Muse Casket, the artifactual logic—structured through the material invitation to open, close, and use a box, and to open, close, and use the containers within it—operates alongside an iconographic rhetoric of surface decoration that alludes to the divine, that is in this case, to the Muses and the Dionysiac sphere.


1975 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
pp. 62-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas M. MacDowell

It is now twenty years since A. R. W. Harrison remarked in this Journal ‘For students of Athenian private and public law it is a painful, but undeniable fact that there is still grave uncertainty as to the precise methods by which statutes, one of the most important sources of law, were made at the most formative period of the history of the system from the middle of the fifth century B.C. onwards.’ His own article is entitled ‘Law-making at Athens at the end of the fifth century B.C.’ and is concerned primarily with establishing that an important change was made in or soon after the year 403/2. That was the date at which a new procedure for making laws (nomoi) was introduced, which Harrison calls ‘the fourth-century procedure of nomothesia’, involving officials called νομοθέται. Before then there was no procedural difference between making a nomos and making a psephisma. References to nomothetai in texts before 403 are irrelevant. In 403 the decree of Teisamenos laid down a procedure for review and amendment of laws, involving two distinct bodies of nomothetai; but that was a procedure for one particular occasion. The regular procedure was instituted shortly afterwards, and was to some extent modelled on the procedure of the Teisamenos decree.


1951 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 233-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Cook

It is a pleasure to record this year that the promise of more substantial results held out in the previous slender reports from Greece has not been disappointed, and that the discoveries made in the latter part of 1949 and the year 1950 challenge comparison with any prewar years. The Archaeological Society has undertaken a number of new excavations in different parts of the country and has already achieved some remarkable successes. The foreign Schools have not lessened their endeavours; the Italian School has resumed its activity in the field, and the French have supplemented their achievements on land by commencing a systematic investigation of inshore waters. The Herákleion Museum is now open again. In Eleusis and Tegea the museums are being reconstituted, and that at Sparta has been reopened; the Hermes of Praxiteles has been brought above ground again at Olympia. A new wing comprising an exhibition gallery and workrooms has been added to the Corinth Museum. The museum in Thera is to be set in order, and the archaeological collection at Syra has been re-assembled in the Town Hall. In Athens, there are now six exhibition galleries open in the National Museum with a splendid selection which ranges from early Hellenic to the fourth century B.C.; a new gallery has been constructed in the Byzantine Museum to hold select exhibits, and a library and rooms for study are being fitted out in the cellars of the main building there. Under Prof. A. Orlandos' direction many Byzantine churches and monasteries which needed attention have been put in order in the last year.


1975 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. S. Painter

SummaryIn 1971 the British Museum bought a fourth-century silver spoon with Christian symbols. An undated document acquired with the spoon showed that it was the survivor of a hoard from Biddulph, Staffordshire. In 1973 notes made in January 1886, about the discovery of the spoon, were found in a notebook compiled by A. W. Franks. The newly acquired spoon proves to have been one of a hoard of four spoons found at Whitemore Farm, Biddulph. The find-place of the spoon suggests a possible direct link between Chester and Buxton, while its dating adds to the sparse testimony for late-Roman life in the north-west of the province. The style of the lettering may indicate that the spoon was made in the East Mediterranean, and the Christian symbolism adds to the stock of evidence about the cult in the western Roman Empire.


1970 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. L. West

In the controversy over the date of Corinna, the following points may be taken as agreed:1. An edition was made in Boeotia about the end of the third or beginning of the second century B.C.2. The texts of Corinna current in the late Hellenistic and Roman periods were all descended from that Boeotian edition.3. Before its dissemination, Corinna was unknown in Greece at large. If she wrote at an earlier period, she must have been remembered only locally.The difference between Boeotian spelling of the fifth century and that of the fourth is very great: but the difference in this respect between the mid-fourth century and the late third or early second is comparatively slight. It is therefore tenable that whereas there would be a good reason for the re-spelling of fifth-century Boeotian into the later convention of any period, there would be no obvious or adequate reason for re-spelling Boeotian of the fourth century into the orthography of the third, or that of the third into that of the second. Even those features of fourth-century spelling which have ceased to preponderate are by no means unknown or even uncommon at the end of the third century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mallory E. Matsumoto

A fundamental distinction is made in craft production between custom or bespoke creation and mechanical reproduction that generates multiple iterations of the same form. In Mesoamerica, technologies of reproduction are attested by around the sixth century bc in the form of moulding and stamping, and they become increasingly common in ceramic production in the Maya and neighbouring regions in the third or fourth century. Beginning in the Late Classic period (c. 600–830 ad), Maya artisans applied them to the hieroglyphic script as well, generating a corpus of texts that are at once fundamentally distinct from and intimately linked to the broader scribal tradition dominated by hand-written texts. This article examines Classic Maya texts moulded and stamped on ceramics in the context of scribal practice and the social and cultural role of the script. I argue that these artefacts manifest changes not only in hieroglyphic production, but also in writing's role in user communities. Consequentially, they invite reconsideration of scribal practice's relationship to other crafting traditions, as well as the diversity of modes of engaging in Classic Maya scribal tradition.


1951 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 13-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Ashmole

The headless statue of a seated woman swathed in a himation was first seen at Cnidus by the expedition of the Society of Dilettanti in 1812. Nearly fifty years later C. T. Newton excavated the site—identified by inscriptions as sacred to the chthonic deities—rediscovered the body, and, after shipping it off, found the head also. There is no ground for doubting the identification as Demeter. Brunn interpreted the head with understanding in 1874, and in 1900 A. H. Smith described the statue briefly but carefully: what can be added to this, mainly on the technical side, will be found in Appendix I. Other comment has been desultory, and although the date of the statue has been generally accepted as somewhere in the fourth century B.C., there has been no satisfactory attribution to a sculptor. Doubt has gradually arisen about the substance of which it is made, even about the position of the limbs and the kind of seat on which it rests: and finally, Carpenter, quietly loosing one of his ample stock of hares, has suggested that it was made in the first century B.C. Clearly, then, it is time to study the whole problem afresh, and to see whether evidence exists for more definite conclusions. That evidence does exist, and most of it has been set down in print before—though by various writers, and piecemeal: my argument is new in its pattern only, not in its components.


2006 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Lucas F. MATEO-SECO

Gregory of Nisa was one of the most cultivated men of the fourth century. He reflects the advances that had been made concerning the concept of the person and his/her relatioship with nature. In Gregory’s view, the dignity of the human person is grounded on the fact that the person is the image and likeness of God. This is equivalent to stating that the human being has attributes which no one may deprive him/her of; prominent among these is freedom, which is the crowning glory of his/her personal being, as he/she was made in the image of God, who is a-déspotos, that is, has no master. Rejection of slavery, together with firm defense of parrhesia (freedom of speech), is one of the most suitable perspectives for evaluating Gregory’s concept of human nature and the dignity of the person. Gregory discusses this subject in several places. Here we shall confine our survey to the most important ones: Homily IV On Ecclesiastes, the treatise On the origin of man, and the Great catechetical discourse. According to Gregory, freedom was given to human beings so that they could participate in the divine good. Gregory supported his arguments on the thinking insipired by Plato in which virtue is essentially free and voluntary, and so freedom is an attribute of the dignity of the person that cannot be relinquished.


Author(s):  
Giovanni Parmeggiani
Keyword(s):  
Per Se ◽  

An examination of Plut. Cim. 13, 4-5 and Harp. Α 261 Keaney s.v. Ἀττικοῖς γράμμασιν suggests that fourth-century historians Callisthenes (FGrHist 124 F 16) and Theopompus (FGrHist 115 F 154) challenged the view of contemporary Athenians – attested especially in rhetorical writings – that the Peace of Callias was concluded in the 460s BC in the aftermath of the battle at the river Eurymedon. Such a view described the peace as unilateral, i.e., not implying any obligation on the part of the Athenians. The fact that Callisthenes and Theopompus did not accept that tradition, doesn’t imply, per se, that they believed that no peace between Athens and Persia was ever concluded in the V century BC. On the contrary, the peace of 449 BC, as described by Diodorus in XII 4, 4-6 on the basis of fourth-century sources (Ephorus among them), was bilateral, i.e., it implied obligations on both sides (Athens and Persia); whether Callisthenes and Theopompus also disputed that peace was made in 449, is unclear. In addition, this paper explores the possibility of changing the unknown Νέσσου ποταμοῦ with Νείλου ποταμοῦ in the so called ‘Aristodemus’ (FGrHist 104 F 1, 13, 2).


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