THE SPHINX ON THE ROOF: THE MEANING OF THE GREEK TEMPLE ACROTERIA

2013 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 201-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thierry Petit

In the Archaic period, from the end of the seventh and above all in the sixth century bc, sphinxes are ubiquitous in the figured decoration of Greek temples. They appear not only as acroteria, but also on antefixes and simas. As acroteria, they always occur as lateral versions, flanking the central acroterion at a distance. Although these figures have recently been the subject of several exhaustive studies, their significance remains a matter of debate. In the absence of explicit texts, the only means of comprehending their meaning is by examining the combinations of figures in which the sphinx makes an appearance. It is their association in three-part or heraldic compositions with a central vegetal or floral motif which provides the key to the explanation. This group is similar to that known in the Levant in which two sphinxes flank a ‘Tree of Life’, a group which the Old Testament texts allow us to identify as the cherubim guarding the Tree of Life of Genesis 3.24. This group was transmitted to Cyprus and to the Aegean world without losing its meaning. A series of documents allows us to verify that the ‘extended’ group of acroteria that we are concerned with has not lost its symbolic value by comparison with the ‘compact’ group known particularly from Archaic Greek vase-painting. An explanation in terms of eschatological ends and aspirations also permits us to interpret the other associations of the sphinx – with gorgons, with horsemen and with ‘Nike' figures.

1880 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 202-209
Author(s):  
Cecil Smith

The vase which forms the subject of this memoir has been thought worthy of publication, both because it belongs to a type of which we have as yet but few examples, and also on account of the peculiar interest attaching to the design painted upon it. Its probable age can only be a matter of conjecture, as some of the vases of the class to which it belongs have been considered by archaeologists to be late imitations of the archaic, while on the other hand the internal evidence of the painting would seem to assign it to a place among the earliest class of Greek vases. It is figured on Plate VII.It is a circular dish with two handles, 3 inches high by 11¾ inches diameter, composed of a soft reddish clay of a yielding surface; the painting is laid on in a reddish brown, in some parts so thinly as to be transparent, and in other parts has rubbed away with the surface, so that it has acquired that patchy appearance generally characteristic of vase pictures of this type. The drawing, though crude and in parts almost grotesque, is executed with great spirit and freedom of style,—and thus could hardly have been the work of a late provincial artist—while in the shape of the column and of the wheel of the cart, in the prominent nose and chin which admit of no distinction between bearded and beardless faces, and in the angular contour of the human figures, we recognise features peculiar to an archaic period of art.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 213-220
Author(s):  
Marta Szabat

This article concerns events of the Old Testament – Yahweh commands Abraham to sacrifice his only son – Isaac – on Mount Moriah. This passage from the Old Testament, from the Book of Genesis, became the basis of Søren Kierkegaard’s considerations in Fear and Trembling. In the text I refer to, on the one hand, Kierkegaard’s considerations, while on the other hand I try to identify other possible interpretive tropes that could be useful, for example, during classes on the subject of faith or the status of ethical dilemmas in the modern world.


2006 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marius Nel

Animosity in apocalyptic literature – the Book of Daniel What is reflected in apocalyptic literature about the subject of animosity? Apocalyptic literature is limited in this article to the Book of Daniel, because it is the most extended apocalyptic text in the Old Testament. Before an apocalyptic work can be discussed, it is important to answer several preliminary questions: what is apocalyptic literature, and what is the phenomenon of apocalypticism? What are the characteristics of this genre? And what are the socio-historical origins of apocalyptic movements?   To understand the Book of Daniel, it is imperative to discuss the two “Sitze im Leben” present in the development of the book. These “Sitze” are the supposed sixth-century BCE exile of Judah, and the second-century BCE Jewish persecution under the Syrian king, Antiochus.   The patterns of animosity in the Book of Daniel are discussed in terms of the relationship between God and people; Jews and a foreign king; Jews and their neighbours; and two groups operating in the Jewish community according to apocalyptic perception, believing and compromising Jews. The story of Daniel in the lion’s den (Dan. 6) is used as a case study to demonstrate these patterns.   The conclusion of the study is that the tales (Dan. 1-6) and visions (Dan. 7-12) can only be understood properly in terms of the patterns of animosity present in the different plots behind the texts.


1988 ◽  
Vol 102 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-288
Author(s):  
E.K. Grootes

AbstractAmong the books in the sale catalogue of Pieter Saeraredam's library (Note I) was a virtually forgotten work on pagan mythology, Hcydensche afgoden, belden, tcmpcls en offerhanden, published in Haarlem in 1646 (Note 2). This rare book crops up again in the 1893 catalogue of Frederik Muller's stock, but the only known example appears to be in the Royal Library in Brussels (Note 3). Among the Dutch sources on the subject, most of which continue the tradition of such Renaissance mythologists as Giraldi, Conti and Cartari, the Haarlem work appears to be the least known and most curious (Note 8). It was published anonymously, bul is dedicated to the author's teacher's, the Haarlem Classicist painters Pieter Fransz. de Grebber (Note 15) and Willem de Poorter. In the dedication the author declares that he felt the lack of descriptions in Dutch of pagan temples, altars and images during his apprenticeship and delermined to make it good later, despite his failure to become an artist. The book was inlended for 'Painters, Poets and others'. It consists of two volumes. The first sections are devoled to pagan religion in general, to the idols mentioned in the Old Testament and to each of the antique gods individually. The second, divided up into countries, offers a kind of information that is rather unusual in the 17th century. Not much is known about the pupils of the two painters mentioned (Notes 10, 11), but among the names we do have (certainly not a complete list) that of Pieter Casteleyn is of unusual interest. He certainly did not become a painter, for in 1645, lert years after the beginning of his apprenticeship to De Poorter, he is recorded as apprenticed to his father Vincent, a well-known Haarlem printer, who in fact printed Heydensche afgoden. Pieter Casteleyn became a member of the Haarlem booksellers' guild in 1649 and from 1650 onwards he was to puhlish the famous Hollandsche Mercurius. In 1649 he printed Pieter de Grebber's 'rules of art', possibly as his masterpiece (Note 14). He may have found some consolation for his failure as an artist in the publication of notes on the gods, which would certainly have been of interest to his teachers, and there would have been time enough to gather the material between 1635 and 1646. He belonged to a relatively well-to-do Mennonite milieu, there is evidence to suggest that he and his brother Vincent probably attended the Latin School and the inventory of his estate made in 1676 included no fewer than 43 paintings, mythological scenes among them (Note 19), none of which contrardicts the hypothesis. If Pieter Casteleyn was indeed the author of the book, there would be some excuse for its weakness, as a youthful work by someone who had not yet found his metier. The book is a mishmash of arbitrary information presented in a totally uncritical and often muddle-headed manner. Casteleyn took over much from the 1581 Frenh edition of Cartari, with the great difference that he was not interested in the meaning, but only in the externals of the images he describes. In the case of Fortuna, f or example, Casteleyn gives a completely arbitrary list of attributes, possibly taken from the illustrations in Cartari (Fig. I), including that of Nemesis (Fig. 2), whose 'measure' he may have wrongly construed as the 'telescope' he so strangely refers to. The illustrations in the book, ten small and rathe primitive woodcuts, are not related to those in the French edition of Cartari. Indeed, in the case of that of Janus (Fig.3), it seems that the artist did not know Cartari's illustration (Fig. 4), since the rod shown there has been transformed, through a linguistic mistake, into a bundle of twigs. As, for the other illustrations (Figs. 5-10), some are of subjects not illustrated in Cartari, while the last one is a rendering in reverse of the illustration of the 'Abgott Jodute' in the Sächsisch Chronicon of 1596 (Note 24). In the title-page print (Fig. 11 ), on the other hand, which may be by Casteleyn himself, the statue of Mercury in the left foreground is a direct borrowing from Carlari (Fig. 12). Whether the Heydenschc afgoden was of any practical use to artists or had any influence on Dutch art seems doubtful, but it did have ils roots in the artistic milieu in Haarlem and as such it remains a highly curious phenomenon.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-204
Author(s):  
M Nel

Before the discussion of the subject of reconciliation in apocalyptic literature can be researched it is necessary to answer preliminary questions: What is apocalyptic literature? Where, how and why did it originate? Is it in continuity with the other genres represented in the Old Testament? Were there apocalyptic movements, and what was their function? Apocalyptic writers did not discuss reconciliation as such because in their socio-historical circumstances the issue was not raised. In the different writings allusions are found. Reconciliation with God is interpreted as a property of the chosen righteous, the maskilim or chasidim, the particular apocalyptic group. Reconciliation between people and groups are interpreted within the larger context of the regulations of the Mosaic Torah.


1962 ◽  
Vol 82 ◽  
pp. 138-140
Author(s):  
A. D. Ure

There are in Chalcis Museum four black-figured lekythoi of sixth-century date. Two, nos. 567 and 569, were mentioned by Professor Haspels in Attic Black-figured Lekythoi 28 f., but the others have not, as far as I am aware, been noticed. None of them fits neatly into any Attic group, though three can be loosely connected with the Dolphin class. One is certainly from Styra. The finding-place of the others is not recorded, but there can be no doubt that they are from sites in Euboea. The close resemblance between Attic and Eretrian vase-painting makes it difficult to distinguish Atticising work made in Eretria from Attic imports, while so far black-figured vases of the archaic period from workshops in Chalcis have not been recognised. Nevertheless a study of the four lekythoi now in Chalcis reveals affinities with the few vases that are already known to be of Euboean origin and indicates that they should be classed with them rather than with Attic.The first, no. 960 (ht. 19·5 cm.) is seen on plate IX. 1–3 (2 is from the same negative as 1 with the red and white retouched). The shape of the vase can be seen in the illustrations and needs no comment. On the shoulder opening flowers, black with a central petal in applied white, alternate with red buds. On the body a panther faces a grazing stag with one group of four fine dots between them and another beneath the body of the stag. Though the general appearance of the vase is not noticeably unlike Attic some unusual features can be observed. First, the three gently curving brush strokes which emphasise and embellish the ribs of the panther are not accompanied by incised lines. Though it is common enough to find incision and no paint on this part of an animal, it is only very rarely that we find paint with no incision. For parallels we have to turn to two of the Eretrian grave amphorae in Athens. Both the Wedding and the Herakles amphorae show important vestiges of an earlier unincised style of painting, for on the first the whole of the back of the vase lacks incision, on the second the whole of the foot. Some scenes show a compromise between the incised and the unincised, part of the scene, or even part of a figure, lacking the usual incisions. So here, in the case of our panther, though incision is used on the head, legs and hindquarters, the ribs are merely painted, without the incised lines to which the painting is normally only an adjunct. See plate IX.2 and compare the ribs of the panther with those of the completely unincised lions on the back of the neck of the Eretrian Wedding amphora, BICS vi pl. 1.1. Further, as has already been pointed out in this Journal, the markings in red that brighten up the bodies of Eretrian animals are shapely and ornamental, generally tapering downwards. Between the incised lines on the hindquarters of both the panther and the stag we have decorative markings of this kind, broader at the top, making a gentle curve and tapering to a point at the base, while the three on the ribs of the panther, though smaller, are also well shaped.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 81-96
Author(s):  
Leszek Gołdyka

According to the author about a half of the Polish-German borderland inhabitants are “the winners” of the systemic transformation, they are pragmatic individualists and materialists. In their case identification with any other person than themselves and members of the closest family is rare. The otherhalf are members of enclaves and “tribes”. Solidarity, which may be found in their system of values, is however limited to their “fellows of the same mind”, thus it has a particular character. These are the “losers” of the transformation. The feeling of material deprivation, their identification particularism generates and enhances a reluctant attitude to the reconstruction of the German cultural heritage in the Polish western borderland. According to the author, the reconstruction of this heritage creates the feeling of non-obviousness as to the possession of the western borderland, thus evoking a negative attitude to everything that is German or, generally, ethnically “strange”. The first ones treat land in a materialist, instrumental manner (as “plots of land” for development), they may recognize it as a subject of a profitable transaction, not making it the subject of a moral dilemma whether the achievement of their interest reduces the economic strength of the Polish state. For the other ones, land has got a symbolic value. In the Author’s opinion, the inhabitants of the western borderland, though in many objective aspects similar, are not subjectively close to one another. Dichotomously divided, they create a territorial group, not a community. On account of the individualistic, pragmatic and materialistic orientation of one half of the inhabitants, in this paper the Polish – German borderland is called a space of identification vacuum, whereas on account of the enclave-like and tribal orientation of the other half of its inhabitants it is called a space of identification failure.


1987 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 167-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. M. Cook

It has become fashionable to discover political allusions in subjects painted on Attic pottery of the Archaic period. These allusions are of two kinds, not always clearly distinguished. One is deliberate party propaganda, especially for or against Pisistratus or his sons. The other, which reflects results of political action, need not have political intent: Theseus, for instance, was becoming more popular in Athens by the end of the sixth century, with official encouragement it seems, and his more frequent representation in art may be due simply to that popularity. Here I am concerned only with partisan propaganda, and particularly that concerning Pisistratus and his equation with Heracles. Though the propagandist theory has by now quite a literature, it is surprising that there has been little objection, at least in print.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 388-421
Author(s):  
Alexandru Prelipcean

Abstract The subject of the typological images within the kontakia of Romanos the Melodist, the Byzantine Hymnographer who, through his quill pen, fascinated the entire Byzantine Empire in the sixth century, was developed in several topic-related studies. What in fact is the aim of the present study? It tries, on the one hand, to identify those parts within the kontakia of Romanos that speak directly about the typology of the Old Testament characters (including the chronological period from Adam to Moses), and secondly, to examine how Andrew of Crete, (re)known in the Christian hymnography as the “inventor” of the canon, reflects these typological images approximately two centuries after the death of Romanos. In other words, we are concerned with how the typology is present in the new hymnographic production of the eighth century, known under the title of canon, and how the transition from the typology existing in the kontakion to the one in the canon was achieved.


Author(s):  
S.R. Allegra

The respective roles of the ribo somes, endoplasmic reticulum, Golgi apparatus and perhaps nucleus in the synthesis and maturation of melanosomes is still the subject of some controversy. While the early melanosomes (premelanosomes) have been frequently demonstrated to originate as Golgi vesicles, it is undeniable that these structures can be formed in cells in which Golgi system is not found. This report was prompted by the findings in an essentially amelanotic human cellular blue nevus (melanocytoma) of two distinct lines of melanocytes one of which was devoid of any trace of Golgi apparatus while the other had normal complement of this organelle.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document