Camp David and Beyond: A View From the Third World

Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 40-41
Author(s):  
Mowahid H. Shah

AbstractOn the heels of Andrew Young's departure from the United Nations amid much publicity concerning U»S. failure to involve the Palestinians in Middle East negotiations, heads of state and representatives from ninety-two countries and three independence movements convened at the Sixth Summit Conference of Non-Aligned Nations hosted by Dr. Fidel Castro at Havana, Cuba.The Havana Declaration of September, 1979, adopted by the Non-Aligned Conference—perhaps the most powerful of Third World forums—censured the Camp David accords as a U.S. attempt to “obtain partial solutions that are favorable to Zionist aims and underwrite the gains of Israeli aggression at the expense of the Palestinian people.” In an international environment in which the United States increasingly finds itself in the minority on the majority of world issues, Third World attitudes toward the Camp David accords—of which the Havana Declaration is but the latest evidence—merit serious consideration.

Author(s):  
Eric Gettig

This essay analyzes the international history of the efforts of the Cuban government led by Fidel Castro to project itself as a leader of Third World internationalism after coming to power in January 1959. It begins by exploring revolutionary Cuba's first effort to convene and host a major international conference, a "Conference of Underdeveloped Nations" in Havana in 1960. Using a combination of the published Cuban press and several diplomatic archives – chiefly from the United States and United Kingdom, but also including a few Mexican and Venezuelan documents and the 47-page internal report of Cuban Ambassador Carlos Lechuga's tour of Latin America in January-February 1960, obtained from his family in Havana – the chapter analyzes the failure of Cuba's efforts to convene this conference, and the efforts of the Eisenhower administration to discourage Latin American governments from participating. At a time when Cuba's international orientation was very much in flux, the struggle over the conference became part of a larger contest over the future direction of the Revolution and over Latin American engagement with both the U.S. and the Third World.


2021 ◽  
pp. 305-310
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš

This chapter talks about the First Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries that took place in Belgrade in September 1961. It cites the Non-aligned Movement (NAM), which underlines an active and peaceful approach as something more than mere neutralism of the countries outside the global military and political blocs. It also mentions Michael Makarios III, the primate of the autocephalous Orthodox Church of Cyprus, who attended the conference. The chapter explains how the United States was forced to make aggressive moves to compensate for a non-existent weakness that was imposed on the American public by Nikita Khrushchev, who was aware he was lagging behind in the armament race. It discusses the mutual intimidation that threatened the peaceful coexistence between Moscow and the United States, which was good for Tito as the eternal mediator balancing between the big powers.


Author(s):  
Gregg A. Brazinsky

During the early 1960s, Beijing launched a new diplomatic effort to raise its visibility and promote its viewpoints in the Third World. Its goal was to assemble a radical coalition (or united front) of Afro-Asian states that opposed imperialism and revisionism. The PRC took advantage of the frustrations with the Great Powers harbored by Indonesia, Cambodia, Pakistan and some of the newly independent African countries to win allies in the Third World. The United States constantly sought to undermine these efforts by advocating more moderate versions of nonalignment and mobilizing public opinion against Chinese officials when they travelled abroad.


Author(s):  
Robert J. McMahon

‘Cold wars at home’ highlights the domestic repercussions of the Cold War. The Cold War exerted so profound and so multi-faceted an impact on the structure of international politics and state-to-state relations that it has become customary to label the 1945–90 period ‘the Cold War era’. That designation becomes even more fitting when one considers the powerful mark that the Soviet–American struggle for world dominance and ideological supremacy left within many of the world’s nation-states. The Cold War of course affected the internal constellation of forces in the Third World, Europe, and the United States and impacted the process of decolonization, state formation, and Cold War geopolitics.


Pneuma ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Bialecki

While a great deal of social science literature has examined the explosion of pentecostal and charismatic Christianity in the Global South as well as conservative and anti-modern forms of resurgent Christianity in the United States, little work has been done to investigate the causal effects of the former on the latter. Drawing from existing literature, interviews, and archives, this article contributes to filling that gap by arguing that in the mid-twentieth century, evangelical missionary concerns about competition from global Pentecostalism led to an intellectual crisis at the Fuller School of World Missions; this crisis in turn influenced important Third Wave figures such as John Wimber and C. Peter Wagner and is linked to key moments and developments in their thought and pedagogy.


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