student movements
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Author(s):  
RALPH LEE

This article traces the history of twentieth-century Ethiopian Orthodox student movements formed in response to modernity, especially the influential Maḫbärä Qəddusan, ‘Association of Saints’, established in 1991 when Ethiopia's Communist regime fell. It explores parallels in Egyptian and Indian miaphysite Churches; balances the prevailing narrative of explosive Pentecostal growth which has obscured the influence of such movements; provides insight into networks that have stimulated renewal and responses to contemporary challenges through strong engagement with traditional literary and intellectual heritage; and explores training and publications promoting contemporary reflection on this heritage, the revival of important religious practices and the targeting of influential ecclesiastical and public positions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens-Peter Thomsen

This paper examines whether the implementation of the Bologna bachelor’s + master’s structure has been followed by an increase of university students from under-represented groups, and whether the Bologna structure has been accompanied by new forms of student mobility between Danish university institutions. Looking at student movements from bachelor’s to master’s degrees from 1993 to 2011, I do not find that the implementation of the Bologna structure has been followed by changes in the inclusion of under-represented groups. The social gap in progression to master’s degrees remained small and constant across the period. However, the formal instalment of a new transition point in the Danish university system (from bachelor’s to master’s) has provided bachelor’s degree holders with the opportunity to flee less lucrative fields of study and less prestigious institutions, and they increasingly do so. I discuss the implications of these movements in the light of the aim to make higher education more inclusive.


2021 ◽  
pp. 387-434
Author(s):  
Mauricio Archila Neira ◽  
Esteban Roncancio

Resumen: El artículo hace parte de los esfuerzos que la sociedad colombiana, liderada por la Comi- sión para el Esclarecimiento de la Verdad, la Convivencia y la No Repetición (CEv), viene realizando por conocer lo ocurrido durante el conflicto armado colombiano, como un paso para entenderlo y así evitar su repetición. Busca contrastar estadísticas sobre violencia en la Universidad Nacional de Colombia en todas sus sedes, entre 1958 y 2018, con las memorias elaboradas por diversos estamen- tos universitarios sobre lo ocurrido en ese lapso de tiempo. En consecuencia, consta de dos partes: inicialmente se hace un recorrido histórico en seis periodos de las luchas y la violencia en la Univer- sidad en esos 60 años, para luego analizar las tendencias de las violaciones de derechos humanos a la comunidad universitaria. Así se espera colaborar a la comprensión del conflicto armado en el país, como también alimentar la memoria de la propia Universidad Nacional, tal vez no la más afectada, pero sí muy representativa del trascurrir académico en una sociedad violenta como la colombiana. Violence in the National University of Colombia, 1958-2018 Abstract: The article is part of the efforts that Colombian society, led by the Truth, Coexistence and Non-Repetition Commission, has been making to learn about what happened during the Colom- bian armed conflict, as a step towards understanding it and avoiding repetition. It seeks to contrast statistics on violence at the National University of Colombia in all its campuses, between 1958 and 2018, with the memories produces by students, professors and workers about what happened that period. It consists of two parts: first, it presents a historical analysis of six periods of struggles and violence at the University in those 60 years, second, it analyzes the trends of human rights viola- tions against the university community. Keywords: National University of Colombia, student movements, violence, human rights


2021 ◽  
pp. 147490412110467
Author(s):  
Jens-Peter Thomsen

This paper examines whether the implementation of the Bologna bachelor’s + master’s structure has been followed by an increase of university students from under-represented groups, and whether the Bologna structure has been accompanied by new forms of student mobility between Danish university institutions. Looking at student movements from bachelor’s to master’s degrees from 1993 to 2011, I do not find that the implementation of the Bologna structure has been followed by changes in the inclusion of under-represented groups. The social gap in progression to master’s degrees remained small and constant across the period. However, the formal instalment of a new transition point in the Danish university system (from bachelor’s to master’s) has provided bachelor’s degree holders with the opportunity to flee less lucrative fields of study and less prestigious institutions, and they increasingly do so. I discuss the implications of these movements in the light of the aim to make higher education more inclusive.


During the period 1947-48, student movements started in various areas of Bangladesh demanding to make Bengali one of the state languages. Through participation in these movements, political awareness among the girls of Bengal increased. So in the final stages of the 1952 language movement, the massive participation of girls can be noticed. The girls of Dhaka and the girls of different districts and sub-divisional cities of Bangladesh took an active part in the 1952 language movement. In addition to school-college girls, various members of various women's organizations such as Shishuraksha Samiti, Wari Mahila Samiti, and others actively take part in the 1952 language movement. Therefore, the role of Bengali women in the Bengali language movement was unforgettable. Apart from men, women also acted as supporting forces of the language movement in various ways from their position. Therefore, the idea which Bengali women are just helpless, helpless is not correct. In this article, we have analyzed the role of women in the Bengali language movement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-69
Author(s):  
César Landa ◽  
Isabel Sánchez

The socialist ideas of Russian Revolution were well-known in Peru, according with the struggles of working-class and student movements and the birth of socialist and communist parties. But the Peruvian Constitutions of 1920 and 1993 only opened someone social rights, not only for the workers, but also for the indigenous people to protect their community territories. Only with the Constitution of 1979 the leftwing constituents were almost one third of the constituents. In this way the Constitution included social ideas in the type of State as social and democratic Rule of Law, the equal rights between all persons, particularly between men and women, the employment was protect by the State, the public education cost-free, the property had a social function, the natural resources were of the Nation, and the indigenous and Amazonian communities were protected, etc. But, with the neoliberal Constitution of 1993 the economic model was liberalized in favor of the market and the international investors, reducing the social rights, and the national power was centralized in the Executive Power. But, since 2000, after the fall-down of Fujimori’s regimen, the Constitutional Court played a role of balanced the impact of this new model, according with the international treaties of human rights and social rights. In this sense, the Constitutional Court was able to give the Constitution of 1993 a social content.


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