X.—The Great Seal of England: Deputed or Departmental Seals

Archaeologia ◽  
1936 ◽  
Vol 85 ◽  
pp. 293-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilary Jenkinson

So far as is known the earliest Norman Kings had only one seal with which to authenticate any written orders or communications which issued in their name: under his Great Seal the King would agree to a treaty or order payment for his wine, summon a sheriff to account or bestow an earldom, arrange his own marriage or the legal affairs of one of his subjects; and in the original documents under this seal which have survived to us from the twelfth century, even in those which we find in the enrolments of the early thirteenth, may be traced every important element which we find in executive administration by Government departments to-day; not to mention those which might be discerned in the private correspondence of the sovereign. But very early it was found that it was impossible for one seal to deal with the resulting mass of business or to cope with the situation which arose when the King (with the Chancellor in his company) was absent from the usual seat of Government: the Dialogus de Scaccario tells us that already in the twelfth century there was a second seal which was kept by the Chancellor in the Treasury per vicarium As executive business developed and increased in succeeding centuries other seal developments followed: notably the addition to the resources of royal administration of the Privy and Secret Seals and of the Signets, which are the direct ancestors of the seals that still symbolize the authority of a secretary of state. But meanwhile the principle of dividing the Great Seal itself was also extended and much used: and it is with these deputies or departmental versions of the Great Seal that the present article is to deal.

1944 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Z. N. Brooke ◽  
C. N. L. Brooke

The present article originated out of an attempt to re-edit the letters of Gilbert Foliot, whose career as abbot of Gloucester, bishop of Hereford, and bishop of London covered nearly half of the twelfth century (1139-87). The edition by J. A. Giles is thoroughly unsatisfactory: the text is un-trustworthy, there is no index, and no attempt has been made to date the letters or to arrange them in any coherent order. Nothing could be done at present about the text, since the necessary manuscripts could not be consulted; but it was possible to make an index and with its assistance to arrange the letters in some sort of order and assign to them approximate dates. The chief clues for dating are naturally the names of persons, usually ecclesiastics, mentioned in the letters, but it soon became evident that the only lists available of these ecclesiastics (other than bishops) are for the most part entirely unreliable, and that a complete revision of these lists is a necessary preliminary to any attempt at precise dating, not only of these letters, but also of twelfth-century documents in general. In the thirteenth century, when Patent and Close Rolls begin, there is more positive information, and still more when episcopal registers become available. Before that time, documents were rarely dated, and appointments and deaths of minor officials were not important enough to receive much notice from chroniclers. It is for this early period, when references have to be collected from a number of scattered sources and exact dates are rare, that revision is most needed, and to it we are confining our investigation.


Author(s):  
Martine-Emmanuelle Lapointe

« Qui lira Charles Guérin dans cinquante ans? », demandait Octave Crémazie à son correspondant, l’abbé Henri-Raymond Casgrain. Et « qui songera à mes pauvres vers dans vingt ans? », ajoutait-il. Crémazie avait raison… On ne lit plus guère Charles Guérin aujourd’hui, et ses pauvres vers, pourtant publiés et célébrés en leur temps, ont été éclipsés par sa correspondance privée, dans laquelle on trouve sans doute les constats les plus éclairants sur la littérature canadienne-française de la fin du XIXe siècle. Constituée d’écrits intimes devenus publics, la correspondance illustre à merveille le paradoxal destin de l’œuvre : inachevée, d’une lucidité trop aiguë et par là même anachronique, elle a été reprise et commentée par plusieurs essayistes contemporains. Cet article présente une analyse des essais que Gilles Marcotte et Jean Larose ont consacrés à l’œuvre et à la figure d’Octave Crémazie. Reconnus pour leur vision intransigeante de l’institution littéraire québécoise, les deux essayistes mettent pourtant temporairement de côté leur extrême vigilance lorsqu’ils abordent l’héritage d’Octave Crémazie. Comment arrivent-ils à concilier leur refus d’une critique complaisante et consensuelle ne se basant que sur des critères locaux et leur reconnaissance d’une filiation qui s’élabore à partir de la faille et du manque, qui ne peut se fonder sur des monuments, des classiques? Et comment appréhendent-ils la tension entre la familiarité avec laquelle ils envisagent l’œuvre de Crémazie et le décentrement, nécessaire selon eux à toute expérience véritablement littéraire? Abstract “Who will read Charles Guérin in fifty years?”, asked Octave Crémazie to his penfriend, abbot Henri-Raymond Casgrain. And “who will muse over my poor verses in twenty years?”, did he add. Crémazie was right… We don’t read Charles Guérin nowadays, and his poor verses, even if they were celebrated in their time, have since been overshadowed by his private correspondence. Composed of intimate writings, now public knowledge, the correspondence illustrates perfectly the paradoxical destiny of Crémazie’s works: unfinished, too clear-minded for its time and therefore almost anachronistic, it has been commented and studied by numerous contemporary essayists. The present article examines the essays that Gilles Marcotte and Jean Larose devoted to the works of Octave Crémazie. Well-known for their severe vision of the Quebec literary institution, Marcotte and Larose seem to put temporarily aside their extreme vigilance when they consider Crémazie’s heritage. How do they conciliate their refusal of obliging and consensual criticism founded on local criteria and their construction of a filiation that cannot be supported by classics and monuments? How do they apprehend the tension between the familiarity with which they read Crémazie’s works and the distance, essential according to them to a real literary experience?


2002 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. C. WRIGHT

The only notable works on poetics and prosody that survive in Pali are the Subodhālankāra (comprising, in effect, Kārikā and Vrtti) and Vuttodaya. They have been ascribed to the twelfth-century Sinhalese monk Sangharakkhita and described, almost from the outset, as ‘dependent upon Sanskrit models’ and ‘based entirely upon Sanskrit prosody’ respectively. Indeed the Vrtti names a ‘Dandi’ as its basic source. The Pali Text Society's 2000 edition of the Subodhālankāra, complete with two versions of the Vrtti, compiled by P. S. Jaini, has registered many, but by no means all of the parallel passages in Dandin's Kāvyādarśa, the seminal manual of Sanskrit poetic theory. The present article seeks to show that the Pali texts depend rather on earlier Middle Indian traditions of rhetoric and poetics, coupled with theories adumbrated in Nātyaśāstra. It is reasonably certain that the basic Pali material, especially as presented in the version with ‘Abhinavatīkā’, has been drawn upon by the author of the Sanskrit Kāvyādarśa; and there is evidence that the ‘Porānatīkā’ has been superficially influenced by the Sanskrit text. The material goes far to explain classical Sanskrit notions of Alamkāra, Rasa and Dhvani. The Pali prosody Vuttodaya seems to have been equally baselessly maligned, and should take its place along with surviving vestiges of Prakrit prosody as the fundamental link between Vedic and classical theory.


1916 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 125-147
Author(s):  
H. J. W. Tillyard

A Uniform method of transcription, immediately applicable to all Byzantine melodies, is the great desideratum of musical theorists in order that this music may become available for general study and performance. At present there is a tolerable agreement about the interval-signs, which indicated the progression of the melody, both in the Round system, beginning in the late twelfth century, and also in its offshoot, the Cucuzelian system, whose use lasted until the reforms of Chrysanthus, about 1821. The Linear systems prevailing in the eleventh and twelfth centuries are obscure, but our knowledge of the Round system, gained since 1870, is no mean achievement and bodes well for further progress.While the melodic signs are intelligible, the utmost disagreement prevails about rhythm and tonality. Every student tries to please himself, and the result to the ordinary reader is entire perplexity. The rhythm of Byzantine hymnody forms the subject of the present article. The matter is made more difficult by the lack of any positive check on the ultimate result. If in working out the interval-signs we make a false step, the outcome will be an impossible cadence. But the rhythmical indications are too vague for mathematical certainty to be attainable. Nevertheless I am venturing to put forward what seems to me a fair and reasonable method of transcription both for the Round and for the Cucuzelian systems. The problem of tonality is beyond the scope of this paper. I hope to return to it at some later date, and meanwhile have followed the most generally accepted views.


1964 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-232
Author(s):  
C. A. Ralegh Radford ◽  
E. L. G. Stones

For a building of such importance and interest, the cathedral of Glasgow has attracted remarkably little attention from archaeologists during the last half century. Many students outside Scotland perhaps do not realize that Glasgow possesses the only cathedral of the Scottish mainland to survive virtually intact from the middle ages, nor that its history is (by Scottish standards) relatively well documented, because of the fortunate survival of a quantity of records ranging from the twelfth to the sixteenth centuries. We may hope that the time is not too far distant when a full archaeological and constitutional study of the cathedral may be undertaken. In the meantime there is room for some briefer studies of particular problems. The present article attempts to put together what can be discovered about the immediate predecessor of the present building: i.e. the church of Bishop Jocelin. Most of what has previously been written on this subject is scattered, and now rather inaccessible. It will be useful to present the evidence afresh; and if there is nothing entirely new to be said, students of twelfth-century architecture outside Scotland may still find that the facts are not without interest for them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiara Livio

The present article is a preliminary study of a section of the seventeenth canto of Mankha's Srikanthacarita, a 'court epic' (mahakavya) in Sanskrit composed during the twelfth century in Kashmir. In the section in question (SKC 17.18-33), the author elaborates a praise of the god in the guise of a philosophical discussion introducing the views of different doctrines, with the scope of establishing the superiority of the 'non-dual' (advaita) Saivism from Kashmir. Mankha, however, does not criticize or diminish the previous traditions but borrows their concepts to enhance his own credo, making the section a successful example of inclusivism. What stands out is Siva's pervasiveness and oneness, which seems to be built upon the model of the philosophical Tantric school of the Pratyabhijna. While presenting the structure of the philosophical section, this study explores the influence of Utpaladeva (c.925-975 ce) and Abhinavagupta (c.975-1025 ce) on Mankha's ideology.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 137-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.J. Pearce

Abstract The present study bears out an early twentieth-century suggestion that the twelfth-century Andalusi physician, translator, merchant and lexicographer Judah ibn Tibbon quoted directly from the Iḥyā’ ‘ulūm al-dīn, the theological magnum opus of Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī, in the ethical will he wrote to his son Samuel. In addition to demonstrating, through a consideration of lexicographical evidence, that a sentence from that summa was indeed quoted, in Hebrew translation, in the text of the ethical will, the present article will set that quotation into its context as a part of the Tibbonid drive toward literal, word-for-word translation from Arabic into Hebrew. It will further consider the significance of the authorial decision by Judah ibn Tibbon, who fled Granada for Provence following the advent of Almohad rule in Iberia to include, alongside Andalusi sources, direct quotation from al-Ghazālī, a text that formed part of the intellectual underpinning of the Almohad movement.


Orð og tunga ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 69-96
Author(s):  
Matteo Tarsi

The article is concerned with the coexistence and interplay of loanwords and native words (synonymic word pairs) in the Third Grammatical Treatise. The discussion offered in the present article is part of a larger research project on loanwords and native synonyms in Icelandic in the period from the twelfth century to around 1550. The focus of this article is on how loanword/native word pairs appear in the Third Grammatical Treatise and thus on the dynamics at the core of the alternation between loanwords and native words in this work. In addition, the research seeks to establish a relative chonology for the constituents of each word pair. Finally, the dynamics between loanwords and native words in the lexicon are illustrated in a set of generalizations.


Traditio ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 91-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
James J. Bono

The termorspiritushas a long history in Western natural philosophy. Its extensive use and elaboration in the Graeco-Roman world formed the background for medieval and Renaissance treatments. Although the Stoic and Neoplatonic traditions, as well as such authors as Vergil, Macrobius, Nemesius, and Augustine, are important, the present article will attempt only to survey some medieval understandings of the Aristotelian and Galenicspiritus, which provided the basis for medicine and biological speculation.The earliest moments of medieval Latin theoretical medicine are marked by the assimilation of Greek medicine and natural philosophy from the living tradition of Arabic medicine and philosophy. With respect tospiritus, Arabic modifications which mediated the assimilation of Aristotle's and Galen's views led to a multiplicity of meanings being attached to the termspiritus, especially where the ancient resources were applied to problems generated by the mingling of diverse cultural and religious systems. A second result was the attempt to fix, through critical interpretation, the specific medical meaning attributable to the termspiritus, to define the domain of animate beings to whichspiritusbelonged, and to justify philosophically and theologically the quite restricted nature of the termspiritus.If the former tendency was the legacy of the broader and more fluid concerns of the twelfth century, the latter, we shall see, was the standpoint bequeathed to later medieval and Renaissance medicine by authors like Albertus Magnus.


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