The Problem of Forfeiture in the Welfare State

1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 256-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Epstein

Political theory has a good deal to say both for and against the establishment of the modern welfare state. As one might expect, most of that discussion is directed toward the expanded set of basic rights that the state confers on its members. In its most canonical form, the welfare state represents a switch in vision from the regime of negative rights in the nineteenth century to the regime of positive rights so much in vogue today. Negative rights—an inexact and somewhat misleading term— stress the right of an individual to be free from certain kinds of external interventions. These rights arrange themselves on two basic lists. The first list generates a set of civil capacities that all individuals enjoy over their own labor and property: the right to contract, to make wills, to sue and be sued, to give evidence, and the like. The second list, from which the term “negative rights” derives, protects all persons from interference, either by force or by fraud, in the conduct of their own affairs. The resulting set of rights is short, snappy, and knowable; it is internally consistent; and it prepares the stage for productive human behavior (exchange) while limiting destructive forms of behavior (theft). Even though it is not couched in explicit utilitarian language, it can surely be defended on general functional grounds.


Bioderecho.es ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego José García Capilla ◽  
María José Torralba Madrid

La aparición del Estado del bienestar a mitad del siglo XX tuvo consecuencias sanitarias que culminan con el reconocimiento del derecho a la protección de la salud y el deber de asistencia sanitaria del Estado, con una extensión de la medicina a campos desconocidos, medicalizando la vida de las personas. El TDAH es un caso paradigmático, convirtiéndose en una patología psiquiátrica a partir de su inclusión en el DSM-III 1980, con inconsistencias y subjetividad en las clasificaciones. La etiología del trastorno es desconocida, su diagnóstico es subjetivo y dudoso, su tratamiento poco efectivo y con riesgos, incrementando el número de casos diagnosticados y los beneficios de la industria farmacéutica. Desde la Bioética se impone una reflexión sobre los posible daños derivados de la medicalización (no-maleficencia), una prudente actuación de los profesional (beneficencia), respeto al criterio de niños y adolescentes (autonomía) y una perspectiva crítica en relación con el gasto derivado de su diagnóstico (justicia). The emergence of the welfare state in the mid-twentieth century had health consequences that culminated in the recognition of the right to health protection and the duty of health care of the State, with an extension of medicine to unknown fields, medicalizing the life of people. ADHD is a paradigmatic case, becoming a psychiatric pathology due to its inclusion in the DSM-III 1980, with inconsistencies and subjectivity in the classifications. The etiology of the disorder is unknown, its diagnosis is subjective and doubtful, its treatment ineffective and with risks, increasing the number of cases diagnosed and the benefits of the pharmaceutical industry. From the Bioethics a reflection on the possible damages derived from the medicalization (nonmaleficence), a prudent action of the professional (beneficence), respect to the criterion of children and adolescents (autonomy) and a critical perspective in relation to the expense is imposed derived from his diagnosis (justice).



Author(s):  
Leonardo Morlino

This chapter addresses two final questions. First, what are the specific and more general perspectives of the democracies we studied in terms of implementation of the two democratic values? The three patterns developed in Chapter 8 cover almost all the existing empirical possibilities in Europe. Moreover, the external challenges faced by democracies in the early twenty-first century directly affect not only the goods to be delivered (possibly a mix of freedoms and equalities) but also resilience and de-consolidation. We can accept action in defence of rights and institutions and the limits of protest lie in the fact that the related actions cannot violate existing laws. A parallel question is how much the repeal of constraints, legal or of another sort, on the incumbent authorities can be pushed. No doubt, interinstitutional accountability is the necessary cornerstone of a working democracy. Second, what could we do to promote a better, doable, reasonable implementation of the two values? The formula of pursuing broader social cooperation would recall neo-corporatist past solutions, today unfeasible, but still appears as the right social recipe that has not yet been overcome. As seen in Chapter 8, we have to restate that there is a close connection between interinstitutional accountability and protection of freedoms, and, although indirectly, of equalities. Among the rights, the most important one in a democracy is the right to vote, which is grounded on other freedoms that concur to form the voter’s own political opinion. The commitment to combat different forms of disinformation needs to continue in order to provide further meaningfulness to the right to vote. Finally, to craft solid majorities in favour of the strengthening of the welfare state beyond the protection of poverty, we do need to promote a European Union able to complement national and European solidarities.



2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Kalm ◽  
Johannes Lindvall

This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world’s first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany’s and Denmark’s, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article.



1991 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Jennie Hornosty ◽  
Niklas Luhmann ◽  
John Bednarz


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 487-490
Author(s):  
Hedva Sarfati


1993 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-482
Author(s):  
Eero Carroll

The Swedish welfare state is facing the greatest threat since its inception. Attacks stem from the country's sharp economic downturn since 1989 and the related currency crisis of September 1992. Politicians of the right and left have responded to the economic crisis by initiating cutbacks in social welfare programs and supporting policies that will lead to a massive transfer of income from working people to corporations. The focus on cutting social programs is misplaced. The Swedish economy flourished for decades with the network of social service programs in place; the welfare state cannot be blamed for economic problems that have only recently arisen.





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