Compassionate Neoliberalism?: Evangelical Christianity, the Welfare State, and the Politics of the Right

2010 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Hackworth
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Evangelical Christianity ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Welfare State

scholarly journals Perspectiva bioética del Trastorno por déficit de atención e hiperactividad (TDAH)

Bioderecho.es ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego José García Capilla ◽  
María José Torralba Madrid
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Pharmaceutical Industry ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Children And Adolescents ◽  
Right To Health ◽  
Critical Perspective ◽  
The Right ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
The Welfare State

La aparición del Estado del bienestar a mitad del siglo XX tuvo consecuencias sanitarias que culminan con el reconocimiento del derecho a la protección de la salud y el deber de asistencia sanitaria del Estado, con una extensión de la medicina a campos desconocidos, medicalizando la vida de las personas. El TDAH es un caso paradigmático, convirtiéndose en una patología psiquiátrica a partir de su inclusión en el DSM-III 1980, con inconsistencias y subjetividad en las clasificaciones. La etiología del trastorno es desconocida, su diagnóstico es subjetivo y dudoso, su tratamiento poco efectivo y con riesgos, incrementando el número de casos diagnosticados y los beneficios de la industria farmacéutica. Desde la Bioética se impone una reflexión sobre los posible daños derivados de la medicalización (no-maleficencia), una prudente actuación de los profesional (beneficencia), respeto al criterio de niños y adolescentes (autonomía) y una perspectiva crítica en relación con el gasto derivado de su diagnóstico (justicia). The emergence of the welfare state in the mid-twentieth century had health consequences that culminated in the recognition of the right to health protection and the duty of health care of the State, with an extension of medicine to unknown fields, medicalizing the life of people. ADHD is a paradigmatic case, becoming a psychiatric pathology due to its inclusion in the DSM-III 1980, with inconsistencies and subjectivity in the classifications. The etiology of the disorder is unknown, its diagnosis is subjective and doubtful, its treatment ineffective and with risks, increasing the number of cases diagnosed and the benefits of the pharmaceutical industry. From the Bioethics a reflection on the possible damages derived from the medicalization (nonmaleficence), a prudent action of the professional (beneficence), respect to the criterion of children and adolescents (autonomy) and a critical perspective in relation to the expense is imposed derived from his diagnosis (justice).

scholarly journals Rethinking Democracy?

2020 ◽  
pp. 237-246
Author(s):  
Leonardo Morlino
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
First Century ◽  
Close Connection ◽  
Social Cooperation ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Welfare State

This chapter addresses two final questions. First, what are the specific and more general perspectives of the democracies we studied in terms of implementation of the two democratic values? The three patterns developed in Chapter 8 cover almost all the existing empirical possibilities in Europe. Moreover, the external challenges faced by democracies in the early twenty-first century directly affect not only the goods to be delivered (possibly a mix of freedoms and equalities) but also resilience and de-consolidation. We can accept action in defence of rights and institutions and the limits of protest lie in the fact that the related actions cannot violate existing laws. A parallel question is how much the repeal of constraints, legal or of another sort, on the incumbent authorities can be pushed. No doubt, interinstitutional accountability is the necessary cornerstone of a working democracy. Second, what could we do to promote a better, doable, reasonable implementation of the two values? The formula of pursuing broader social cooperation would recall neo-corporatist past solutions, today unfeasible, but still appears as the right social recipe that has not yet been overcome. As seen in Chapter 8, we have to restate that there is a close connection between interinstitutional accountability and protection of freedoms, and, although indirectly, of equalities. Among the rights, the most important one in a democracy is the right to vote, which is grounded on other freedoms that concur to form the voter’s own political opinion. The commitment to combat different forms of disinformation needs to continue in order to provide further meaningfulness to the right to vote. Finally, to craft solid majorities in favour of the strengthening of the welfare state beyond the protection of poverty, we do need to promote a European Union able to complement national and European solidarities.

Swedish Austerity: Benefits at Risk

1993 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-482
Author(s):  
Eero Carroll
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Economic Downturn ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
Welfare Programs ◽  
Service Programs ◽  
Social Welfare Programs ◽  
Working People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Social Service Programs ◽  
The Welfare State

The Swedish welfare state is facing the greatest threat since its inception. Attacks stem from the country's sharp economic downturn since 1989 and the related currency crisis of September 1992. Politicians of the right and left have responded to the economic crisis by initiating cutbacks in social welfare programs and supporting policies that will lead to a massive transfer of income from working people to corporations. The focus on cutting social programs is misplaced. The Swedish economy flourished for decades with the network of social service programs in place; the welfare state cannot be blamed for economic problems that have only recently arisen.

Personalised care funding in Norway: a case of gradual co-production

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Christensen
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
User Involvement ◽  
Case Analysis ◽  
Personal Assistance ◽  
The Future ◽  
History Of ◽  
Future Policy ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Welfare State ◽  
Dividing Line

In this chapter, using a case analysis of personal assistance in Norway, the author argues that it is fruitful to combine the concepts of personalisation and co-production. Co-production represents a stronger version of personalisation, but there are also different strengths of coproduction, implying gradual manifestations of user involvement and participation. Through exploring the history of the Norwegian personal assistance model, BPA, the chapter considers different interplays between personalisation and co-production. It concludes that there is the highest level of personalisation where the professionals are no longer directly involved because the users are self-organised. While this obviously is the future policy aim of some users, this will not be an option for others. The right to BPA will provide a future dividing line between those who possibly will be viewed as able to reach this self-organising level, and those for whom the welfare state will still be very important.

scholarly journals Crisis del Estado de Bienestar y desafíos del siglo XXI: dualismo vital y brecha ciudadana

2017 ◽  
pp. 133-161
Author(s):  
Juana María GIL RUIZ
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Medium Term ◽  
Gender Conflict ◽  
The Public ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
The Right ◽  
Made In ◽  
Special Protection ◽  
The Welfare State

LABURPENA: Klaseen gatazka elementu giltzarria izan zen aurreko mendeko estatu soziala edo ongizate-estatua ulertzeko; XXI. mendeko mundu mailako krisia ulertzeko, ordea, genero-gatazka deiturikoa da elementu giltzarria, eta, zalantzarik gabe, aro berri honetako erronkak ezaugarritzen ditu. Artikulu honek bere egiten du genero-metodologia, eta, Europako nahiz estatuko araudiaren bilakaera- testuinguruan eta emakumeek lan-eremuan duten kokalekuaren diagnostikotik abiatuta, Espainiak ongizate-estatuaren krisiaren aurrean emandako erantzuna eta emakumeek hiritar diren heinean duten babesgabetasuna jorratzen dira. Era berean, hobetzeari begirako proposamen juridiko-politiko batzuk aurreratuko dira, ongizate-estatuaren egungo desoreketatik abiatuta, epe labur-ertainean herritarren gainera eroriko diren arrisku batzuk ahaztu gabe. Lege ferenda-ko proposamen horiek —ez esklusiboak, gutxi gorabeherakoak baizik—, bizi-dualismoa eta herritarren banaketa konpontzeari begirakoak, hein handi batean zentratuko dira kontziliazio‑eskubidea berreskuratzeko arloan, kontziliazio-eskubide horrek izan behar duen horretatik abiatuta: babes eta sustapen berezia behar dituen eremua da, murrizketarik edo luzamendurik onartzen ez duena. RESUMEN: Si el conflicto de clases fue un elemento clave para entender la existencia del Estado Social o de Bienestar en el siglo pasado, lo cierto es que el llamado conflicto de Género, lo es para la comprensión de la Crisis Global del siglo XXIi y enmarca, sin duda, los nuevos desafíos de esta nueva era. Este artículo hace suyo la metodología de género y aborda —en un contexto de evolución normativa europea y nacional y partiendo del diagnóstico de la posición de las mujeres en la esfera laboral—, la respuesta española ante la crisis del Estado de Bienestar y la desprotección de éstas en tanto que ciudadanas. Asimismo, se avanzarán algunas propuestas jurídico-políticas concluyentes y de mejora, partiendo de los desequilibrios actuales del Estado de Bienestar, sin obviar algunos de los peligros que se ciernen a corto-medio plazo sobre la ciudadanía. Estas propuestas de lege ferenda —no exclusivas sino aproximativas— dirigidas a resolver el dualismo vital y la brecha ciudadana, se centrarán en buena medida, en recuperar el derecho de conciliación como lo que debe ser: un ámbito que requiere de especial protección y promoción y que no es susceptible de recortes ni postergaciones. ABSTRACT: If the Class conflict was key for the understanding of the welfare state in the last century, the so-called Gender conflict has become fundamental for a similar understanding of the 21st century Global Crisis and its challenging consequences. This article supports the gender methodology and addresses —in the context of the evolution of national and European legislations on the basis of the women status in the labour market—, the Spanish response to the crisis of the welfare state and the lack of protection of women as citizens. In addition, insofar Spain must respond to the commitments made to Europe regarding the public agenda, some conclusive legal and political proposals and improvements will be made in this paper, based on the current imbalances of the welfare state, without neglecting some of the dangers in the short-medium term of the citizenship. These lege ferenda proposals —not comprehensive but rather approximate— are aimed at resolving the vital dualism and the citizenship gap. They will focus, to a great extent, on recovering the right of conciliation as what it should be: an area that requires special protection and promotion and which is not susceptible to cuts or any further delays.

Richard Titmuss versus the IEA

2019 ◽  
pp. 147-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Jackson
Keyword(s):  
Economic Theory ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Philosophical Discourse ◽  
Richard Titmuss ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Welfare State

An influential strand of Jose Harris’s research has emphasized the importance of idealist political thought to the rise and fall of the British welfare state. Harris argues that the mid-twentieth-century demise of political theory about social policy left the welfare state vulnerable because its defenders lacked a philosophical discourse with the depth of idealism. This chapter tests this argument by looking in more detail at a case study from the post-1945 discussion about the welfare state: the debate between the group of socialist social policy academics associated with Richard Titmuss and the neo-liberals at the Institute of Economic Affairs spearheaded by Arthur Seldon. The chapter demonstrates that while the defenders of the Beveridgean welfare state lacked theoretical firepower when confronted by a philosophical counterblast from the right, the major weakness of the left’s social policy analysis was in fact a failure to contest the neo-liberal appropriation of economic theory.

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