English in Puerto Rico

English Today ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan M. Fayer ◽  
Judith Castro ◽  
Marta Díaz ◽  
Miriam Plata

An overview of the political status, functions, and characteristics of Puerto Rican English

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gibran Cruz-Martinez

This essay aims to briefly collect the historical context of colonialism in Puerto Rico since the Spanish era but primarily focuses on revealing the reasons to consider Puerto Rico as a colony and non-self-governing territory of the US – rather than a neocolony of the US. Later, the article addresses the three non-colonial options recognized by the 1514 United Nations (UN) Resolution and the results of the five referendums on the political status of the Caribbean archipelago held over the last five decades. The essay concludes that Puerto Rico is undoubtedly a colony and asks for the United Nations and the sovereign countries of the world to denounce this illegal colonial relationship that subordinates residents of Puerto Rico to the will of the US Congress where they have no voting representatives.


2021 ◽  
pp. 176-215
Author(s):  
Marilisa Jiménez García

This chapter contextualizes the contemporary era of youth literature and media in Puerto Rico and its diaspora, both those in the US and those returning to Puerto Rico. Looking at the 1980s into 2010s, this chapter analyzes the role of youth literature and culture in Puerto Rico’s contemporary struggles, including its economic crisis, public debt, the devastation of Hurricane Maria, and the political uprising which led to the resignation of former Governor Ricardo Rosello. Puerto Rican storytellers continue narrating Puerto Rico’s contemporary frontline struggles, from Broadway to comics to community-organized story times and children’s books.


1955 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Wells

Far and away the most powerful force in the political life of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is the Popular Democratic party (Partido Popular Democrático, or PPD). Since 1945 elected representatives of the party have held the office of Resident Commissioner in Washington and more than two-thirds of the seats in both houses of the insular legislature. Since the election of 1948 the president of the party, Luis Muñoz Marín, has been Governor of the island. Inasmuch as there are no other elective officials in the executive branch, gubernatorial appointees loyal to the party and its program fill all the top policy-making and administrative posts. And because the Governor also appoints all judges, the percentage of Populares on the Commonwealth bench is understandably high.The party's control over the insular government is a direct result of its extraordinary showing at the polls. Its island-wide candidates have never received less than 60 per cent of the total vote in any election save that of 1940, the first in which a Popular Democratic ticket was on the ballot. In the most recent election, that of November 4, 1952, the Popular candidate for Governor received a record 65 per cent of the votes cast.


1987 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 903
Author(s):  
Robert D. Crassweller ◽  
Pamela S. Falk

Author(s):  
Isar P. Godreau

This chapter examines narratives developed during the 1930s that exalted the influence of Spain in Puerto Rican culture in order to counteract the political and economic colonial encroachment of the United States. Hispanophile proponents consider Puerto Rico an offshoot of Spain and Puerto Rican culture a product of Spain's colonizing influence. However, more than a discourse in favor of Spain, Hispanophilia was first and foremost a discourse that sought to differentiate Puerto Rico from the United States. Proponents of Hispanophilia argue that the nation is culturally white. In the context of narratives that distinguish Puerto Rico from the United States, such “cultural whiteness” can be qualified as Spanish or “Hispanic whiteness” vis-à-vis “Anglo-Saxon whiteness.”


1998 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Ramos-Zayas

In this article, Ana Ramos-Zayas argues that schooling cannot be divorced from the political and socioeconomic forces governing neighborhood development. She focuses on the role of grassroots activists with a nationalist agenda (i.e., in favor of independence for Puerto Rico) in community-based educational projects in Chicago, particularly the Pedro Albizu Campos High School (PACHS), a compelling example of the potential of an educational project based on a nationalist ideology. For Puerto Ricans, the question of the political status of the Island—future U.S. state, commonwealth, or independent nation—has been debated for the past one hundred years. For the students and teachers of PACHS, independence, and an education based on the principles of Puerto Rican self-determination, is the only option. Ramos-Zayas argues that an oppositional education based on such a political ideology is a powerful, yet largely untapped, resource for creating successful ethnoracial youth and popular education programs. She contends that, in a community considered among the poorest of the poor, where Puerto Rican youth continue to drop out of high school, join gangs, and experience the most inhuman consequences of poverty, such a successful social initiative must be considered carefully. She points out the irony that this nationalist ideology—which encourages critical appraisal of U.S. policies toward Puerto Rico and of the ideology of the American Dream—actually encourages high school students to pursue mainstream mobility routes, such as abandoning gangs, finishing high school, and enrolling in college. The powerful, positive presence nationalist activism among Chicago Puerto Ricans is undeniable, as is the sense of hope and possibility that students and barrio residents experience at Pedro Albizu Campos High School and other community development projects in Chicago.


2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Varela-Flores ◽  
◽  
H. Vázquez-Rivera ◽  
F. Menacker ◽  
Y. Ahmed ◽  
...  

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