Secret Codes of Political Propaganda: The Unknown System of Writing Teams

2013 ◽  
Vol 214 ◽  
pp. 394-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wen-Hsuan Tsai ◽  
Peng-Hsiang Kao
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Secret Code ◽  
Unknown System ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party

AbstractWithin the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), some Party units have established a largely unknown network of writing teams which propagate the policies or perspectives of a particular unit by publishing feature articles in Party journals. These writing teams often make use of a pseudonym in the form of a person's name, leading outsiders to believe that the work is written by a journalist. In fact, the pseudonyms of the Party unit writing teams function as a form of secret code. Through this code, inner Party members can recognize which unit's views an article reflects. In order to reveal exactly which units the codes represent, we have collated the names of over 20 writing teams. In addition, we provide an introduction to the functioning of the writing teams and the manner in which articles are produced. Finally, we propose that the CCP's mechanism of “propaganda codes” is gradually undergoing the process of institutionalization.

Writers' Criticism of the Party in 1942

1964 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 205-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merle Goldman
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Lower Rank ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Intellectuals ◽  
Party Power

The angry outbursts of Chinese intellectuals against the Chinese Communist Party at the time of the Hundred Flowers in 1956–57 revealed that China's intellectuals, even those who were oriented towards the left, were in conflict with many of the Party's practices. Actually, this tension between the Party and the intellectuals had been smouldering for a long time. It had come to the surface many years earlier during the Cheng Feng movement in Yenan in the early 1940s. At that time the Party, as it did later in the Hundred Flowers period, embarked on a drive “to rectify the style of work” of both Party members and intellectuals. One aspect of this drive was that the Party encouraged intellectuals and lower-rank cadres to speak out on the misuses of Party power.

Rebuilding the Leninist Party Rule: Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping's Stewardship

2016 ◽  
Vol 08 (01) ◽  
pp. 5-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lance L P GORE
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party

In 2015, Xi Jinping tried to restore many Leninist features to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He took measures to rebuild the ideological faith, entrench Party organisations with state administration and run the CCP as a meritocracy. “Party groups” (dangzu) are extended to non-governmental, non-profit and other societal organisations. He insisted that party members must observe both formal disciplines and informal norms of the Party, and show loyalty to the leadership.

A Mechanism of Coded Communication: Xinwen Lianbo and CCP Politics

Modern China ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 009770042092020
Author(s):  
Wen-Hsuan Tsai ◽  
Xingmiu Liao
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Communication Model ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Secret Code ◽  
Coded Communication ◽  
China Central Television ◽  
Insight Into

Studies of the official media of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have long focused on interpretations of political propaganda. In this article, we propose another model—the “secret code communication” model. We find that the main audience for some of the official media consists not of members of the public but rather cadres. The China Central Television (CCTV) program Xinwen Lianbo is a typical example. The program operates according to a very obscure political code. By watching and decoding Xinwen Lianbo, cadres can see that Xi Jinping is firmly in power. They can also gain insight into the policy directions favored by the CCP. Xinwen Lianbo thus acts as a mechanism for communication within the party using a code that can only be deciphered by insiders.

Sneevliet and the Early Years of the CCP

1971 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 677-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dov Bing
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Mass Movement ◽  
Early Years ◽  
The Other ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The One

The formative years of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have long remained one of the most obscure periods in the recent past of China. There remain many puzzles about why and how the alliances, between the CCP and the Kuomintang (KMT) on the one hand and Soviet Russia on the other, came about in the early 1920s.For the last four years I have been studying the establishment and first years of the CCP, at the same time paying attention to the foundation and first years of the Indische Sociaal Democratische Vereniging (ISDV), which was later to become the Partai Kommunis Indonesia (PKI). In this connexion I have been specially interested in outlining the origins of that strategy whereby Communist Party members entered a nationalist mass movement and tried to capture it from within.

scholarly journals Interest Representation and the Transformation of the Chinese Communist Party

2002 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 57-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zheng Yongnian
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
80Th Anniversary ◽  
Interest Representation ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Private Entrepreneurs

At the 80th anniversary celebration of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on 1 July 2001, Jiang Zemin called on the party to admit into its ranks of 'outstanding social elements' of private entrepreneurs, professionals, technical and managerial personnel from non-state firms and MNCs. Party ideologues, however, have raised a great hue and cry. In order to establish his political legacy, the CCP leadership has intensified the campaign to educate its cadres and members. Reform and development have bourgeoisified and benefited many party members and cadres. Jiang's public support of the capitalists is not going against the tide but is a recognition of reality instead. In fact, to continue to grow and expand, the party must embrace the better educated and the most enterprising in society. The capitalists within the party will certainly be catalysts to quicken the transformation of the party. In its attempt to admit capitalists, has the CCP unknowingly let in the Trojan horse? Jiang Zemin's original aim may have been to strengthen the party-state by broadening its social base. And as the party metamorphoses, perhaps into a kind of social democratic party, Jiang will be favourably judged for paving the way for such a metamorphosis. Nevertheless, it is not an easy transition: insurmountable difficulties lie ahead for the party leadership.

Flesh Searches in China

Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Gorman
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Contemporary China ◽  
Chinese State ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Relationship

This article explores the relationship between netizens and the Chinese Communist Party by investigating examples of “flesh searches” targeting corrupt officials. Case studies link the initiative of netizens and the reaction of the Chinese state to the pattern of management of social space in contemporary China.

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