China's New “Black Box”: Problems and Prospects for the Central National Security Commission

2017 ◽  
Vol 232 ◽  
pp. 886-903 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Wuthnow

AbstractChina's establishment of a Central National Security Commission (CNSC) in late 2013 was a potentially transformative event in the evolution of China's national security decision-making structure. Yet, as of mid-2017, few details about this organization and its activities have been released, leading to continuing questions about its likely role and functions in the Chinese system. Based on an analysis of numerous authoritative but under-utilized Chinese sources, this article addresses the rationale, prospects and implications of the CNSC. It argues that the organization is both a fulfilment of a long-held desire by many in China for a centralized, permanent national security deliberation forum and also a reflection of the unique challenges facing China in the 21st century. Contrary to existing analyses, which argue that the CNSC is likely to be focused primarily on domestic security tasks, the article contends that it is more likely to play a major role in both internalandexternal security affairs. Moreover, the article argues that if certain obstacles can be addressed, the CNSC may have broad implications in areas ranging from China's crisis response capability to the role played by the Chinese Communist Party general secretary in the national security decision-making process. The conclusion recaps the findings and suggests avenues for further research.

2012 ◽  
Vol 04 (02) ◽  
pp. 45-52
Author(s):  
Gang CHEN

Since Hu Jintao became the General Secretary of the Party in 2002, the Party's Politburo has been convening monthly group study sessions conducted by professors and researchers. This indicates a change in China's policy-making process from strongman domination to consensus-seeking, through sharing information and discussions. Speakers lecture on domestic affairs and share developed countries' experience. Priority is given to economic issues, followed by political/ideological and social issues, and lastly, military issues and international relations.


2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 635-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles D. Freilich

This article presents a first of its kind typology of Israeli national security decision-making processes, focusing on five primary pathologies and a number of strengths. It will demonstrate that these pathologies are the product of an extraordinarily compelling external environment and domestic structural factors: chiefly, the extreme politicization of the decision-making process stemming from the proportional representation electoral system, the consequent need to govern through coalition cabinets, and the absence of effective cabinet-level decision-making support capabilities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-141
Author(s):  
Karen E Smith

Abstract Foreign policy analysis (FPA) opens the “black box” of the state and provides explanations of how and why foreign policy decisions are made, which puts individuals and groups (from committees to ministries) at the center of analysis. Yet the sex of the decision-maker and the gendered nature of the decision-making process have generally been left out of the picture. FPA has not addressed questions regarding the influence of women in foreign policy decision-making processes or the effects of gender norms on decision-making; indeed, FPA appears to be almost entirely gender-free. This article argues that “gendering” FPA is long overdue and that incorporating gender into FPA frameworks can provide a richer and more nuanced picture of foreign policy–making.


1988 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. B. Smith

Controversy still surrounds the question whether the communist-led uprisings which developed across Southeast Asia during the months from March to September 1948 were the outcome of a deliberate international communist strategy or merely the product of coincidental decisions by individual communist parties. Equally controversial, although less frequently discussed, is the suggestion that during the early months of 1950 the Chinese Communist Party took on direct responsibility for sustaining those revolutionary armed struggles which were still continuing in Southeast Asia — in Vietnam, Malaya and the Philippines — and even provided material assistance to allow them to expand. The present paper will examine yet a third period at which it is necessary to consider the possibility of coordinated international decision-making on the communist side in Southeast Asia: the second half of 1951.


2019 ◽  
Vol 111 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-84
Author(s):  
Ales BINAR

The Czechoslovak (Munich) Crisis of 1938 was concluded by an international conference that took place in Munich on 29-30 September 1938. The decision of the participating powers, i.e. France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom, was made without any respect for Czechoslovakia and its representatives. The aim of this paper is to examine the role of the defence sector, i.e. the representatives of the ministry of defence and the Czechoslovak armed forces during the Czechoslovak (Munich) Crisis in the period from mid-March to the beginning of October 1938. There is also a question as to, whether there are similarities between the position then and the present-day position of the army in the decision-making process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhou He ◽  
Chunling Luo ◽  
Chin-Hon Tan ◽  
Hang Wu ◽  
Bo Fan

1988 ◽  
Vol 114 ◽  
pp. 198-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence R. Sullivan

Following Hu Yaobang's resignation as general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party on 16 January 1987, the political and economic reforms sponsored by Deng Xiaoping since 1978 came under intense criticism. Warning against “bourgeois liberalization” and renewed “spiritual pollution” from the west, Party conservatives reacted to student demonstrations in December 1986 by reversing the “Double Hundred” policy of literary and scientific freedom and by engineering the purge of the ardent westernizers Fang Lizhi, Liu Binyan and Wang Ruowang. Deng Liqun's “Leading Group to Oppose Bourgeois Liberalism,” Chen Yun's Central Discipline Inspection Commission (CDIC), and the outspoken Peng Zhen emerged as the main ideological watchdogs favouring restrictions on individual expression. But even the pro-reformer Zhao Ziyang condemned western ideas as “pernicious,” just as his chief secretary Bao Tong, warned intellectuals against “writ[ing] only about (the merits) of developed capitalist countries.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Rachma Putri ◽  
Rezky Apriliantini ◽  
Adityo Darmawan Sudagung

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan upaya negara Singapura membentuk NSCS (National Security Coordination Singapore) sebagai strategi kebijakan luar negeri yang baru untuk mengantisipasi masalah terorisme. Munculnya terorisme di Singapura didukung dengan perkembangan Al-Qaeda, sebagai sebuah jaringan global, di berbagai belahan dunia dan saling mendukung dengan pertukaran dana, peralatan dan keahlian. Penulis menggunakan teori counterterrorism dalam menganalisis keberadaan terorsime, teori decision making process untuk menganalisis strategi dan efektivitas upaya pengamanan isu terorisme di Sngapura. Penulis menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif yang didukung dengan pengumpulan data studi kepustakaan dari sumber buku, literatur, jurnal penelitian, serta dari media berita. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan besarnya peran strategi pertahanan dalam menghadapi isu terorisme.  Terbukti dengan pembuatan kebijakan luar negeri melalui pertahanan militer serta menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan dalam ruang lingkup regional serta internasional. Pada akhirnya, negara Singapura berhasil membuktikan efektivitas kebijakan luar negeri Singapura melalui strategi pertahanan total dalam menghadapi isu terorisme.


Author(s):  
Lawrence C. Reardon

Establishing a totalitarian state after 1949, Chinese Communist Party elites formulated religious regulations that ensured strong national security and guaranteed the Party’s hegemonic control of the state. The party state eliminated all foreign religious connections and established Party-controlled religious organizations to co-opt the five recognized official religious beliefs. By the Cultural Revolution, Mao Zedong prohibited all religious beliefs except in himself. As the post-totalitarianism of the 1980s evolved into consultative authoritarianism of the 1990s, Communist elites resurrected the Party-controlled religious organizations and implemented a new series of religious regulations in 1994 and 2005 that permitted the operation of officially recognized religions to strengthen moral standards and to supplement the state’s social welfare functions. Facing perceived challenges from foreign religions and fearing the growing popularity of religious belief, the party state adopted a third set of religious regulations in 2017 to strengthen Party hegemony.


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