‘Obligations’, Decolonization and Indigenous Rights to Governance

2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 259-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Christie

Many contemporary Indigenous communities in Canada assert an ability to make fundamental authoritative decisions about what is acceptable use of their territories. I focus on the question of legal obligations that might befall the Crown in its relationships with these communities and their claims. I argue that any such obligations must be seen as culturally and contextually specific, not only in the sense that particular Crown obligations take on content and form within the context of the culture within which the Canadian legal system has emerged but also in the sense that this non-Indigenous culture and history generate the very meaning of the notion of ‘obligation’ here at play. This culturally determined meaning functions to make it extremely difficult to make sense of the notion the Crown actually has legal obligations in relation to Indigenous assertions of authority over territories. This suggests decolonization in this context should be focused on discursive colonization and its undoing. Along those lines I offer a sketch of what ‘legal obligation’ might mean in an Indigenous cultural-historical setting. Within this way of understanding the situation, addressing questions of Crown obligations would begin with consideration of Indigenous systems of meaning-generation. Analysis would focus on working out what it means within such normative worlds to determine a party has a legal obligation, and would then turn to what this has to say about legal obligations that might be understood to fall on the Crown.I argue that while the Crown will almost certainly not respond to claims it has legal obligations within what it takes to be separate legal systems, describing the landscape this way paints a truer picture of the world as it presents itself. The landscape has been, and continues to be, one of distinct meaning-generating peoples, each determining what it understands such concepts as ‘legal obligations’ to mean and entail. The colonial agenda has been for many generations to deny the existence of Indigenous systems, to have Indigenous communities come to think of ‘legal obligations’ in ways colonial authorities determine. Decolonization – in this form – requires a backing out of these ways of thinking. This article clears away forms of thinking that obstruct our view, giving us all an opportunity to perceive the complex landscape we in fact inhabit.

2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-327
Author(s):  
Sue Farran

The concept of legal families is familiar to most comparativists and although miscegenation is an increasingly common feature in a global community, arguably an understanding of family origins may help to anticipate differences of approach, ideology, attitudes to law and diverging normative values. Classification into families, despite various criticisms and disagreements as to which families there are or how they should be distinguished, provides a useful tool for the comparativists and those seeking, reform, unification or harmonisation.The Scottish legal system, however, is one that tends to elude classification. Even where “mixed” or “hybrid” legal systems are recognised, that of Scotland may be omitted or distinguished from those of, for example, Greece, South Africa, Israel or the Seychelles.This begs the question, what is a legal system and how is it distinguished? This paper examines the Scottish legal system, taking as its starting point a focus on juristic style as the key distinguishing feature of a legal system and looking at the key elements that eminent comparativists Zweigert and Kötz suggest shape this. These are: the historical background and development; its typical mode of thought; its distinctive institutions; the types of legal sources it acknowledges; and its ideology. Looking particularly at the academic debates that have arisen in Scotland concerning the nature and identity of Scots law, the paper goes on toconsider whether the claim to a distinct legal system is anything more than a manifestation of the fact that “each political society in the world has its own law”,1 and that in fact the time has come to abandon the notion of families.


Author(s):  
Jacques Du Plessis

Legal systems generally are ‘mixed’ in the sense that they have been influenced by a variety of other systems. However, while some legal systems, for a period of time at least, reach a certain level of uniformity, the diversity or ‘mixedness’ of the origins of other systems is more pronounced. This chapter deals with the experiences of the latter systems, and especially with their relevance to the discipline of comparative law. The focus is first on the concept of a mixed legal system, as well as related concepts, such as legal pluralism and hybridity, that have gained prominence in comparative analyses. Thereafter key questions that arise from these analyses are then considered in detail. These questions include how the mixed nature of legal systems is to be dealt with in representations of legal diversity of the world, how mixed legal systems are formed, and what could be learned from their experiences.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-26
Author(s):  
Teguh Prasetyo

AbstrakSebagai negara yang sudah merdeka selama 68 tahun, Indonesia seharusnya sudah mempunyai sistem hukumnya sendiri yang sesuai dengan kepribadian bangsa Indonesia. Sistem hukum Indonesia tersebut harus dibangun berdasarkan Pancasila yang menampilkan karakteristik ke-Indonesia-an di tengah-tengah sistem hukum lain di dunia. Sistem hukum Pancasila merupakan suatu sistem hukum yang bermoral dan bermartabat. Bermoral berarti bahwa sistem hukum di Indonesia sistem hukum yang merdeka dari korupsi. Sedangkan sistem hukum yang bermartabat adalah sistem hukum yang menjunjung nilai-nilai kemanusiaan terutama di bidang HAM.AbstractHaving been independent for 68 years, Indonesia should have had its own legal system that suits the character of the Indonesian nation. Indonesias legal system have to be constructed based on Pancasila which reflects all the characteristics of Indonesia particularity in the midst of other legal systems in the world. The legal system based on Pancasila is a legal system that emphasizes moral and human dignity. Legal morality means that the legal system in Indonesia is free from corruption. While the legal system with dignity is a legal system that upholds the values of humanity, especially in the field of human rights.


2004 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
Wolfgand Gabbert

Short description: The article is dedicated to the problem of traditional legal systems in the indigenous communities of Latin America, for example those in the Highlands of Mexico. These legal systems do not always originate from the pre-Hispanic period and on many occasions are more recent than national laws. They frequently cover same issues as the national legal system, which brings about the problem of overlapping legal traditions. The author explores if and how these two systems can co-exist together. Short description written by Michal Gilewski


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Paarth Mittal

When Indigenous-led resistance to land- and water-killing projects threatens extraction, settler-colonial state and corporate institutions use security mechanisms to eliminate such “threats.” Using as case studies the pipeline conflicts of the Wet’suwet’en Nation’s (especially Unist’ot’en Camp’s) resistance to Coastal GasLink (CGL) in British Columbia (BC), Canada, and the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe’s resistance to the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) in North Dakota, United States (US), this paper explores how fossil-fuel extraction interacts with critical infrastructure (CI) securitization to further Indigenous land dispossession. I argue that although the Wet’suwet’en and Standing Rock cases both involved the state and corporations criminalizing Indigenous resistance to extraction—to uphold fossil-fuel capital interests—the Wet’suwet’en case is unique because Canadian actors attempted to pacify resistance through symbolic appeals to Indigenous rights. Indigenous communities across the world are violently oppressed for peacefully defending their water, land, and communities. However, the motives and strategies of violence are unique for every colonial jurisdiction exercising violence, and for every Indigenous community impacted. I compare and contrast the rationales and strategiesof both cases through an in-depth content analysis of passages from TigerSwan surveillance and BC Supreme Court injunction documents. I discuss my findings within theoretical debates on dispossession and securitization.  


Author(s):  
Тамерлан Шайх-Магомедович Едреев

Несмотря на то, что большинство специалистов считает, что место российской правовой системы на правовой карте мира определено, остаются дискуссии на этот счет. Кроме того, российское право испытывает влияние со стороны различных правовых систем что находит отражение как в законодательстве, так и на практике. Despite the fact that most experts believe that the place of the Russian legal system on the legal map of the world has been determined, discussions remain on this subject. In addition, Russian law is influenced by various legal systems, which is reflected both in legislation and in practice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 176-180
Author(s):  
Lucas Alves Edmundo Gomes

AbstractMost legal scholars assume that there are only two “families” of legal systems in the world: common law and civil law. Briefly, common law is applied in all countries that speak the English language and has its origination from the “habits of society.” On the other hand, civil law is applied just about everywhere else, with a few exceptions, such as in tribal law areas, jurisdictions that follow Islamic law, and a few other smaller legal systems. Brazil's New Code of Civil Procedure was promulgated in 2015 and brought innovations to Brazilian law. Elements of common law were incorporated into the Brazilian legal system, particularly that of using precedent. The application of common law elements in Brazilian law is being studied by various legal specialists. This present study explains how common law can be applied in civil law jurisdictions, similar to the way it is being adapted and applied in Brazil.


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-49
Author(s):  
Michael P. Carroll

The Canadian Supreme Court’s (2017) decision in Ktunaxa First Nation v. British Columbia is instructive because it demonstrates the continuing incompatibility of what religion “means” in the Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities, respectively. There are, however, additional lessons to be learned by looking carefully at an aspect of this case that troubled many non-Indigenous commentators, namely, that much of the Ktunaxa claim seemed to rest upon an “epiphany” experienced by a single Ktunaxa elder. What can be detected in the documentary record about that epiphany is evidence of a gradual process by which better understandings of the world are brought into being under the influence of a “web of interconnections” understanding of the world. Recognizing that this process is operative in Indigenous communities has implications not just for the study of Indigenous religion, but also for the way Courts (using their own criteria) might “think about” Indigenous rights.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-247
Author(s):  
Emma S. Norman

AbstractThis review essay examines three important new contributions to the water governance literature, which provide important overviews of the changing water governance structures over time, and advance the call for a new water ethic. Furthering this work, I suggest that the need for a water ethic is globally important, but it is particularly urgent for indigenous communities. Settler expansion, fixed political boundaries, and subsequent colonial framings of land and water ownership have affected indigenous communities throughout the world and have led to severe environmental and social justice disparities. Although the books under consideration provide examples of indigenous rights associated with water protection, the theme is largely underdeveloped. Thus, I suggest that insights from indigenous communities’ more holistic and long-term relationship with water could help define and move forward the adoption of a new global water ethic. These insights are gleaned from work with indigenous communities throughout North America, particularly those in the Salish Sea and the Great Lakes regions. A new water ethic could incorporate three precepts: (1) treat water as sacred; (2) consider rights and responsibilities together; and (3) practice hydrophilia (love and know your waterways).


2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (3) ◽  
pp. 514-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierre-Hugues Verdier ◽  
Mila Versteeg

International legal scholars have long recognized the importance of the rules and processes by which states adhere to international legal obligations and “translate” them into their domestic legal systems. Research by political scientists on specific issue areas likewise increasingly recognizes that domestic implementation is crucial to international law compliance and effectiveness. Yet the lack of systematic data makes it difficult to assemble an overall picture of the relationship between international law and domestic law around the world, let alone to document its evolution over time. Recent qualitative surveys of state practice have begun to fill that gap, but provide only a snapshot in time and are limited to relatively few countries. Some quantitative projects cover more countries, but address only a limited number of questions based solely on the text of national constitutions.


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